Skip to main content

Full text of "The Battle of 1900 : an official hand-book for every American citizen : issues and platforms of all parties, with portraits and biographies of the leaders, including the lives of the presidential candidates"

See other formats




Donated in memory of 

John W. Snvder 


His Son and Daughter 

ot i: IMM ^1 DKXTS 





















One hopeful sign in the political horizon of to-day is the fact that the 
intense party fealty of a decade ago is yielding to the force of reason 
and argument, that States within the Union which but a few years ago 
could be counted in advance as "solid" for some Presidential candidate, 
are now considered "doubtful" until the people have registered their 
choice and the votes are counted. The demagogue who would lead his 
party to-day by appeals to passion and to party loyalty must give way 
to the political speaker who deals with basic principles, undisputed facts 
and living issues. No party can rightly assume to itself all the virtues, 
of our political fabric. It is equally true that the evils of politics and 
the mistakes of legislators are the common heritage of all the" parties 
that have been entrusted with power. 

Political parties in any country where popular government prevails 
are a necessity. Freedom of speech and freedom of press emphasize 
differences of opinion, and men naturally take sides upon present issues 
and array themselves against each other in healthful and intellectual, 
but bloodless, combat. While this discussion of questions of the day 
prevails, loyal, intelligent voters, regardless of past party affiliations, 
will draw their own conclusions and cast their ballots for such men and 
for such measures as will in their opinion enhance the real interests of 
the land all parties love, and preserve unblemished the flag for which 
all loyal Americans, irrespective of party, stand ready, if need be, to die. 

It is this patriotic spirit that has made men read and study and 
think and investigate for themselves, and if this has led to a change of 
convictions it was a good change and an honest change, regardless of 
the party affected. In this spirit of patriotism lies the real reason for 
the independent voter, the real power in politics to-day, and the force 
which all parties seek to direct by a careful, unbiased, able presentation 
of the issues of the pending campaign. 

It is our country's proud record that in any emergency the judgment 
and intelligence of her people can be trusted. The great, liberty-loving 
heart of American citizenship is in the right place and can be depended 


upon to direct the life currents of the body politic- aright. It is to that 
heart, throbbing with patriotic impulse and with intelligent interest in 
our country's welfare- that these- pap-s arc diree-te-d with the conviction 
that thc-y will diffuse- valuable information upon the disputed questions 
of "The Battle of 1000." 

In the preparation of this book, it has been our aim as publishers to 
present a volume that should bear the stamp of authenticity, ihat should 
ably and fairly discuss the issues which divide the people, that should 
contain the most potent arguments to be adduced in behalf of all parties 
and their policies, that should appeal to all political leaders as a work 
worthy of approval and endorsement, that should enable the- i^n-at army 
of voters to study the issues of to-day in an intelligent manner and cast 
their ballots in the li^ht of their own best judgment, that should have a 
value extending beyond the- few short months of the campaign. 

We believe' The Hat tie of 1!>00 meets fully its purpose-. In authorship 
we have sought and secured writer's who command ivspi-ct. They are 
men of influence in the- councils of their reepecttre parties and -speak 
as those* having authority;" they are thoroughly posted upon the mat- 
of which they write; they are men whose patriotism, intelligence 
and knowledge cannot be questioned ; they each and all posses^ marked 
literary ability and are trained in the art of writing; they are in close- 
touch witli the- people and present the- issues of the clay ably, honestly 
and fearlessly, content after the smoke of battle- has passe-d away to 
abide by the- decision of the real arbiters, the intelligent voters of our 
beloved America. 














JOHN HAY. CHAUNCI.Y Mm MI.I.I. I)i;ri:\v. 


JOHN D. LONQ. Hi M:Y C. Loi>< 












The campaign of this year is of unusual importance. The issues are 
as serious as any that have been presented to the American people 
since the close of the civil war. They involve not only domestic ques- 
tions of great importance but also questions as to the relations of this 
government to the rest of the world. On the result of the next national 
election may hang the future of this government. We have again come 
to the parting of the ways and must choose our course, whether it shall 
be expansion or contraction. The American voters must decide whether 
they will stand by the verdict of the war with Spain and the treaty of 
peace or abandon both. They must decide whether they will go forward 
or retrace their steps. They must decide whether they will retain the 
Philippines or throw them, an apple of discord, before the nations of 
Europe to produce, possibly, a general war involving the civilized world 
and finally dragging this nation into it. They must decide whether they 
want the nation to protect its growing markets in the far East or aban- 
don them. These are serious questions. 

The voters must decide whether they will uphold the verdict of four 
years ago, in favor of honest money which will be recognized the 
world over as good for its face value, or overturn that verdict and adopt 
a debased silver currency. They must decide what is to be the stand- 
ard of value in this country, gold or silver. The issue is made and now 
only the voters can decide. They must decide whether they want to con- 
tinue the prosperity which has smiled upon them during this adminis- 
tration or go back to the uncertainty of a revolution in the political 
control and economic policy of the government. 

These questions are important and call for serious consideration by 
every man who will go to the polls and vote his judgment and prefer- 
ence in November. It has been the boast of the American people that 
they are freest and most independent and most enlightened in the 
world. This has not been an idle boast. It has been accepted as true 
by the civilized world. There is no other country where suffrage is so 
free and universal as in the United States. The words of Lincoln are 
true. This is "a government of the people, for the people and by the 
people." The voters make the government. It is theirs. They can by 
the will of the majority decide every question at issue in this campaign. 



They have the power to uphold or defeat the present administration, to 
sustain or undo everything it has done. 

Our elections were never so free as now. With the Australian 
ballot system in nearly every state, every voter has his suffrage free 
from dictation by any other man, or set of men. On election day every 
man is master, fie can and should do as his judgment wills. He has 
the privilege and the duty and he also has the responsibility. Every 
man owes it to himself and his fellows to consider and understand what 
lie would have the government do in the next four years before he casts 
his vote. This volume is presented with the honest purpose of assisting 
the voters to an understanding of the Republican side of these issues, 1\ 
giving their history and the purposes behind them. The attempt has 
been to go to the record and judge the future by the past. Neither men 
nor parties can stand on their record of past \\-ork alone, but their rec- 
ord is the best indication of their ability and readiness to carry out 
promises. Both great political parties have a record. The Republican 
party has for its record the political control of the government through 
its period of greatest moral and material development. The conscience 
of the American people has been awakened to t he iniquity of slavery and 
polygamy, twin relics of barbarism, and these have been wiped, off the 
page of American history since the Republican party came into control 
of the government. There has been inoje recognition given to the rights 
of the individual man by legislation in the past forty years than in any 
other period of our history. There has also been more attention given 
to the material upbuilding of the American people in this period than 
in any other. This record may not belong to the Republican party alone, 
but it was made under Republican administration and that party has a 
right to be judged by it. 

In considering the issues of this campaign it is important to con- 
sider the practical as well as the sentimental side of every question. 
The Republican record is one of practical achievement, not alone of 
sentimental protest. The party has considered the practical way of 
securing results. In this it has followed the example of the Fathers of 
the Republic. Phrases are not always the best definition of great prin- 
ciples. Some of the men who wrote the Declaration of Independence 
in which they declared that all men are created free and equal, owned 
slaves, and Jefferson, the author of the Constitution, held slaves. This 
fact did not destroy the force of the famous declaration, but it does de- 


tract from the use of these phrases in argument against the practical 
control of great questions thrust upon the government. The record of 
accomplishment in the line of general principles is a better criterion 
than the phrases of men or parties. 

In presenting the Republican side of the issues of this campaign the 
writer has therefore gone to the record of results as better guidance 
for the honest voter, than to the declarations which have been made. 
Phrase making is as easy as lying. The nation has marched forward 
under Republican control until it stands to-day in the front rank of the 
world powers. It stands first in its record of development in industrial, 
financial, military and moral achievements. It stands first in the con- 
test for industrial development, able to hold its own in the markets of 
the world. It stands first in its financial achievements in raising loans 
from its own people, and in selling the lowest interest-bearing bonds at 
par. It stands first in its military achievements and without a standing 
army. Its militarism is patriotism, and it has its illustration in the 
achievements of American patriots from Bunker Hill to Yorktown; 
from Fort Sumter to Appomattox; from Santiago to Manila Bay; and 
from Manila to Tien-Tsin. These are all the achievements of a citizen 
soldiery, the only militarism ever known under the United States flag. 
There never has been a standing army that equaled one soldier to one 
thousand inhabitants, and there never has been an army fighting under 
the American flag for a selfish purpose. Our appeals to arms have been 
in the cause of great moral and human principles. It is well for the 
voter to go to the record rather than to the catch phrase, invented to 
create sectional and partisan hatred in such matters. 

The campaign now begun is on great principles of government con- 
trol issues that affect every man in every walk of life. The issues in 
the campaign should therefore be considered in calm judgment and not 
in partisan passion. A campaign book for all the voters of the country 
should therefore be a calm and dispassionate discussion of these issues. 
The writer of the following pages has sought to follow this rule, and 
while discussing the issues of the campaign, recognize that he is writing 
for Democrat and Populist readers as well as Republicans. It is 
easier to follow this rule in this campaign than it would have been in 
some of the preceding national campaigns for two reasons: First, the 
issues are partisan only in the principles which the different parties 
have embodied in their platform, and Republicans, Democrats, and Pop- 


ulists in the past will at the coming election vote as they believe in these 
principles, rather than because they are bound by pai -tisanshiji to follow 
the party flag they have followed in the past. Second, because the Re- 
publican candidate, President McKinley, has in all his public life fol- 
lowed this rule of discussing principles rather than men. lie has never 
uttered a word of partisan hatred in all his public expressions and in 
his social life has held men of all parties as his most devoted personal 
friends. His life has been given to public affairs with such devotion to 
what he believed to be the best interests of the whole people, that he has 
always been invulnerable against personal attack and freer from per- 
sonal criticism than any other man in public life. The record of Mr. 
Roosevelt, the Republican candidate for Vice-President, has been one 
of work almost wholly beyond partisan lines, and without partisan 
hatred. With these two men as leaders, and the platform on which 
they stand in this campaign, it is more appropriate and a more pleasant 
task to follow their example and discuss the issues before the people, 
without passion or partisanship in its narrow sense. 

The writer has sought to appeal to reason without rhetoric -. 

Washington, D. C., Aug. 1. L. W. B. 
























Ki: PUBLICAN PLATFORM FOR 1900 - ..... 25i 



The Republican party is to-day as it has been for forty years the party 
of sturdy American principles, progressive and conservative, accomplish- 
ing what it advocated and advocating what it believed to be the best 
ideals of government for a great people loving liberty and restrained by a 
national conscience. It has not been influenced by hysterical impulse, 
but has for years resisted that tendency in its own ranks and withstood 
it in the assaults of its opponents. It has triumphed over other parties 
since its organization because of its courage to fight for the principles 
which were formulated by the conscience of the people without regard to 
party affiliations, and at the same time it has been governed by a conser- 
vatism w r hich checked revolutionary tendencies. 

The Republican party had its origin not in revolutionary doctrine, 
but in the sober judgment of the people of the North that compromise 
with slavery was no longer possible in the development of the great terri- 
tory of the West w r hich was soon to be organized into States and have an 
equal part in the Union. It was in accord with the scriptural truth that 
a house divided against itself could not stand that the nation could not 
live part slave and part free. 

The first Republican President was a man of the people coming from 
the West where the strains of the Puritan and the cavalier met to form 
the best type of American independence. All the Republican Presidents 
have come from that same great section of the country, the Mississippi 
Valley, the newer New England, which has become the center of political 
thought as well as the center of population. 

The record of the Republican party is written in the amendments of 
the Constitution, and in the Statutes, but it is also written in the most 
remarkable period of development of the United States. This record is 
also written in the position this government now holds among the great 
powers of the world. Its record is one of sturdy Americanism, good 
business management and wise diplomacy. What more can be asked of a 
political party inviting the support of the voters of the country? 


The Republican party was organized at a time when the slavery 
question as applying to the new territories had been reopened by tin- 
practical nullification of the Missouri Compromise, which had In < -\\ 
accepted as having made free soil forever of the territory west of the 
Mississippi river except in that portion which was to constitute the 
State of Arkansas. The effort of the Democrats in Congress to nullify 
the Missouri Compromise and leave Kansas and Nebraska open to slav- 
iy brought about a new alignment in politics and a new political party. 
There was a free soil movement all over the North, it was divided and 

without force until a delegate convention met in Pittsburg, Pennsyl- 
vania, in February, lv"i;. and organized the Republican party. All free 
soil parties were invited to join the new national party, and the name 
was adopted, as Horace Hiveley said, "almost spontaneously." The 
Pittsburg convention set forth a long and able exposition <>f the princi- 
ples and purposes of the Republican party and called a national con- 
vention to meet in Philadelphia, -June IS of the same year, to nominal ' 
candidates for President and Vice-President. All who deprecated the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise and favored Concessional control 
of the Territories were invited to send delegates, but only Delaware, 
Maryland and Kentucky of the slave States were represented in this 
new convention. 

Into the Republican party went the body of free soilers. among 
whose leaders were Charles Sunnier, Salmon P. Chase, Frank P. Hlair 
and Charles Francis Adams; the anti-slavery whigs among whom were 
Horace Greeley, Thaddens Stevens. Abraham Lincoln, William F. Sew- 
ard and Fessenden. Many of the know-nothings, like Hanks, Colfax 
nnd 11 (Miry Winter Davis, won, as time passed by. the anti-slavery people 
of the party policy; some of the original abolitionists, like (liddings, 
Garrison and Wendell Philipps, though these were not nominally of the 
party and only active with it to spur it on to new aggression against 
slavery. Others came directly from the Democratic party and did much 
to win popularity for the new organization. Aiming these were (lideon 
Welles of Connecticut, Cameron of Pennsylvania, TTamlin of Maine, 
Trumbull of Illinois, Montgomery Blair of Missouri, and William C. 
I try an of New York. Only earnestness of conviction and true devotion 
to principle could have united in one effective organization so many 
divers elements. 

The platform of the Philadelphia convention declared the party 


opposed to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to slavery extension 
and to the rejection of the appeal of Kansas for admission as a free 
State; while it favored internal improvement, ignored the tariff and 
called upon Congress to exercise its sovereign power over national terri- 
tory by prohibiting in the Territories "those twin relics of barbarism, 
polygamy and slavery." John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton were 
nominated for President and Vice-President, and the party cry for the 
campaign was: "Free soil, free speech, free men and Fremont." 

Although the Eepublican party was not successful in that first year 
of its organization in electing its candidates, it was successful in spread- 
ing broadcast throughout the land the new principles of government 
which were to be put into practice four years later. It was but the 
beginning of the building of the country advancing its civilization, the 
introduction of new industries and protection to the wage-earner. At 
that election over 4,000,000 votes were cast, being an increase of about 
30 per cent over the election in 1852. For the first time in many years 
a Democratic President was elected by a minority of the total popular 
A 7 ote. While James Buchanan, the Democratic candidate, received 
1,838,160 votes, the opposition vote represented 2,215,768. The Repub- 
lican party cast 1,341,234 votes and gave to Fremont 114 electoral votes. 
Of the sixteen free States, only California, Illinois, Indiana, New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania remained Democratic, and of these the combined 
opposition was greater than the Democratic vote in California in Illinois 
and in New Jersey. 

In the next four years the Republican party gathered strength, and 
in 1860 elected Abraham Lincoln President of the United States. The 
history of the party from March 4, 1861, until the present time is the 
history of the country-. There is not a line of affirmative legislation on 
the statute books to-day on which has not been placed the stamp of the 
Republican party. Old laws have been remodeled and revised to suit 
the new order of development, and new legislation has been enacted to 
give force and practicability to the principles of government laid down 
by this party. For forty years it has had control of the government 
except for four years during the last Cleveland administration, when 
the Democratic party again came into full power and succeeded in en- 
acting the Wilson tariff law and repealing the Federal election law. 
These two acts constitute the national work of the Democratic party in 
that short period of power and in the last half century. The Wilson law 


was so destructive to the business interests of this country tlial its re- 
peal was demanded in the overwhelming majorities given \n President 
McKinley, and it was soon succeeded by the I Hurley law after the 
McKinley administration began. The repeal of the Federal election 
Jaw is therefore the only act of the Democratic party in the hist forty 
years that has not been undone. 

The first platform of the Kepublican party favored internal improve- 
ments, the prohibition of slavery and polygamy in the Territories and 
free Kansas. The second platform adopted in ISIJO reversed the policy 
of the Democrats not only as to i In- slavery question, but as to the policy 
it had i;cnerally maintained on the constitutional right t<> make internal 
improvements at the expense of the National Treasury. It laid down 
in that second platform principles ..f -<.\ eminent which have guided 
it ever since, and assisted it in fostering and encouraging the most won- 
derful development that this country has .-ver known in the same peri<d 
of time. It demanded not only that the support of the government 
should be largely from duties ujion imports, but also that these duties 
should be so imposed as to encourage the development of the industrial 
interests of the \\ hole country, li took up the cause of labor and de- 
manded a policy of national exchanges which secured to the working- 
man liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanic and 
manufacturer an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, 
and to the Nation commercial prosperity and independence. It also 
protested against the sale or alienation of public land except to actual 
settlers, and demanded the passage by Congress of a complete and sat- 
isfactorv homestead measure. It insisted that river and harbor improve- 
ments of a national character were required for the accommodation and 
security of commerce, and were authorized by the constitution. It de- 
manded that a railroad to the Pacific ocean should be built for the in- 
terests of the whole country, and that the Federal government should 
render immediate and efficient aid in its construction. In that platform 
the Kepublican party mapped out a stupendous program changing 
the whole character of legislation and in fact nationalizing the govern- 
ment for the first time in its history. It was a new party without ex- 
perience in national affairs and its platform was regarded as one of 
meiv theories, but that parly has carried out to the letter every principle 
laid clown in the plat form on which Abraham Lincoln was elected Presi- 
dent of the United States. The Republican parly found labor in the 


North wandering in rags upon the public streets, and in the South re- 
ceiving its wages in lashings upon the naked back and in chains. 
It has lifted all labor to prosperity and independence, and increased 
the wages of the laboring man by protecting the product of his labor 
from competition abroad. It found a bank note currency so incoherent 
and worthless that everybody was in despair. The money was so bad 
that the people named it after the color of their dogs, and the only rea- 
son that all business was not done with bogus money was that most 
of the bank notes in use were so worthless that there was nothing to 
be made by counterfeiting them. This has been changed, until to-day 
the United States has all its money as good as gold and equal to the 
best money in the world. In fact American money is at a premium now 
in nearly every country in the world. It has, through wise and liberal 
homestead laws, changed the great plains of the West from the herding 
ground of the buffalo into the greatest food producing section of the 
world. It has built up ten great States in that section of the country 
which was when it succeeded to power regarded as a wild and profit- 
less country given over to the Indian and the buffalo. It has built trans- 
continental railroads from the Mississippi River to the Pacific ocean, 
and it has improved the rivers and harbors of the whole country in the 
interest of commerce. The Republican party has done these things to 
glorify the nation and to unite the people into a harmonious and com- 
pact union with common interest. 

The Lincoln administration was confronted with secession, armed 
rebellion and assault upon the national flag and national authority in 
its beginning, and was by force of circumstances compelled to ignore 
all ordinary affairs of government and put forth every exertion to save 
the country from disunion and the nation from destruction. Thousands 
upon thousands of Democrats came to the aid of the President, but the 
Democratic party was hostile and sought only to embarrass him. Presi- 
dent Lincoln raised the greatest armies ever assembled in this country, 
fought the greatest war of history to a successful conclusion, defeated 
secession, emancipated seven millions of slaves and saved the Union all 
free. A Republican Congress raised revenues for the war by authorizing 
loans and by passing a tariff bill, passed a homestead law, and a na- 
tional banking law. The Peace Democrats continued to denounce the 
war, and in their national convention in 1864 declared the war a failure. 

With the war still the overshadowing issue in 1864, the .Republican 


convention in its platform demanded the unconditional surrender of the 
rebellious forces, the integrity of the whole union and the abandonment 
of slavery. But it did not in the extremity of this nation forget its obli- 
gations to other Republican governments on the American continent. 
The convention approved the position taken by the government "that 
i he people of the United States can never regard with indifference the 
attempt of any European power to overthrow by force, or supplant by 
fraud, the institutions of any Republican government on the \Yesteru 
continent;" and it resolved that "they will view with extreme jealousy, 
as menacing to the pea< e and independence of their own country, the 
efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for monarchial gov- 
ernments, sustained by foreign military force, in near proximity to the 
United States." In taking that lirm ix>sition regarding the efforts of 
European powers to place Maximillian on the throne in Mexico, the 
party saved the sister Republic to the South. President Lincoln was 
renominated, and Andrew Johnson of Tennessee was nominated for 
Vice-President. The party had a signal triumph at the polls, and Lin- 
coln was re-elecied by an overwhelming majority. He had I'll! electoral 
votes with only 21 for (ieorgc I>. Mc< 'lellan. the Democratic candidate. 
The popular vote stood: Republican, 1M.M6,IM;7; Democratic. Ksos.TLTi. 

President Lincoln was assassinated the night of April 14, 1865, less 
than six weeks after his second inauguration, and Andrew Johnson suc- 
ceeded to the Presidency. Mr. Johnson was a constitutional strict con- 
structionist of the Tyler pattern, with the extreme principles of the old- 
time Democracy canonized in his breast. He was in conflict with his 
party almost from the beginning of his administration, and th* conflict 
resulted in his impeachment, which failed in the Senate by want of the 
two-thirds vote necessary. The 13th amendment of the Constitution 
had been adopted just at the close of President Lincoln's tirst term, and 
the 14th amendment, giving citizenship to the unfranchised race, was 
adopted in 1866. It was opposed by President Johnson, and he refused 
to sign it, but submitted it to the States and it was ratified by them. 
Reconstruction under such conditions of hostility between the President 
and his party was slow, and attended with many trials and failures. 

The Republican party next turned to the great soldier of the Union, 
General I'. S. C.rant, and in the convention of 1868 nominated him for 
President, with Schnyler Col fax of Indiana as the candidate for Vice- 
President. Horatio Seymour of New York was the Democratic candi- 


date, with Francis P. Blair, Jr., of Missouri for Vice-President. The 
platform of the Republican party was dictated by the exigencies of the 
reconstruction difficulties and declared its unwavering resolution to 
secure suffrage for the liberated slave, and to carry out the principles 
already begun by the former administration as to restoration. The plat- 
form also denounced all forms of repudiation as a national crime, and 
declared that the national honor required the payment of the public- 
debt in the utmost good faith to all creditors at home and abroad, not 
only according to the letter, but the spirit of the laws under which it 
was contracted. 

General Grant was elected by a greater majority than Lincoln had 
received at his last election. In the electoral college, Grant had 214 
votes and Seymour 80. The popular vote stood: Grant, 3,015,071; Sey- 
mour, 2,709,613. 

In Grant's first administration the Fifteenth amendment to the 
Constitution was adopted, giving the right of suffrage to all citizens 
Avithout distinction of "race, color or previous condition of servitude;" 
the notorious Ku Klux bands in the South were suppressed; the work 
of reconstruction practically completed by the readmission of the South- 
ern States that had seceded; the Alabama claims of the United States 
against Great Britain, arising out of the depredations of the Anglo-rebel 
privateers, were settled; the Federal election law, or "Force Bill" as the 
Democrats called it, was passed; the amnesty bill adopted, reviewing 
the political disabilities of those who had been in rebellion; and the 
first civil service law was passed ; and in 1872 President Grant was re- 
nominated by acclamation by the Republican National Convention 
Avhich met in Philadelphia. Ilenry Wilson was nominated for Vice- 
President. The platform recited the glorious achievements of the party 
in its eleven years of administration, and insisted on no abatement in 
the Republican party's vigorous reconstruction policy. Those Repub- 
licans w r ho deserted the party and formed the Liberal Republican organ- 
ization nominated Horace Greeiey for President and B. Gratz Brown 
for Vice-President, and the Democrats endorsed this ticket. Grant's 
popular vote was 3,597,070, and Greeley's 2,834,079. Greeiey died of a 
broken heart within the month after the election, and the Democratic 
electors cast their votes for Thomas A. Hendricks and B. Gratz Brown, 
with scattering votes for other candidates, but President Grant had 


the largest electoral vote ever given a presidential candidate up to that 
time, his vote being 286. 

The Republican party did not leave its scandals to be unearthed and 
investigated by its opponents, but took vigorous hold upon them itself, 
and investigated the Credit Mobilier scandal, the Whisky King and 
the other scandals growing out of this and former administrations, and 
purified its own ranks. 

In 1876 there was a spirited contest for the Republican nomination 
for President, with Blaine, Conkling, Bristow, Morton and Hayes as 
the leading candidates. The convention met in Cincinnati June 14, and 
on the seventh ballot Rutherford I?. Hayes, then Governor of Ohio, was 
nominated. William A. Wheeler of New York was nominated for Vice- 
President. The platform confirmed the party belief in the transcendent 
power of the Constitution over the States, declaring that "the I'nited 
States is a nation, not a league." It also advocated a tariff sufficient to 
meet the future expenses of the geneial government, and claimed the 
right of Congress to suppress polygamy in the Territories. On this plat- 
form General Hayes was elected President. He carried all the North- 
ern States except Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Indiana. The 
Democrats carried all the Southern States except South Carolina, Flori- 
da and Louisiana. These States were also claimed by the Democrats, 
and the result was reached through the Electoral Commission, created 
by Congress. The electoral vote as decided by the commission was as 
follows: Hayes, 185; Tilden, 184. The popular majority was against 
the Republicans. There was a Democratic House, and that branch of 
Congress sought to coerce the Senate and the President to repeal the 
Federal election laws b}- refusing to pass appropriation bills without 
this repeal as a rider. The Republicans stood firm and succeeded in an 
extra session of Congress in passing the necessary appropriation bills 
without riders. The resumption of specie payment was made under the 
Hayes administration, and on December 17, 1879, gold sold at par in 
New York. It was first sold at a premium January 13, 1862, and it 
reached its highest rate, $2.85, on July 11, 1864. 

The campaign of 1880 for the Republican nomination was the great- 
est political battle ever fought in this country. The contest between the 
followers of General Grant and those who were opposed to a third term 
was bitter and stubborn. After thirty-five ballots in the convention the 
followers of Blaine and Sherman united on General Gartield, ami he was 


nominated on the thirty-sixth ballot. Chester A. Arthur was nominated 
for Vice-President. The platform advocated a tariff favorable to Amer- 
ican artisans; discriminated between national and State power in favor 
of the former; advocated public improvements and opposed polygamy 
and Chinese immigration. General Garfield was elected, receiving 214 
votes in the electoral college to 155 for General Hancock. The popular 
vote stood: Garfield, 4,454,416; Hancock, 4,444,952. President Garfield 
was shot by Charles J. Guiteau on July 2, 1881, and died September 19. 
Chester A. Arthur succeeded him as President, and conducted the ad- 
ministration safely through the term. The Edmunds anti-polygamy bill 
was passed, and signed by President Arthur, March 23, 1882. The anti- 
Chinese bill became a law in the same year; the civil service law was 
amended; and the policy of chaining closer together all the American 
Republics was begun. President Arthur began his administration fac- 
ing greater embarrassments than any President of the United States, 
and overcame them in a way to surprise his friends and political op- 

James G. Elaine and John A. Logan were the Republican candidates 
for President and Vice-President in 1884. The platform demanded the 
imposition of such duties on foreign imports to afford security to our 
diversified industries and protection to the rights and wages of the 
laborer, to correct irregularities of the tariff and to reduce the surplus; 
urged the effort be made to unite all commercial nations in the estab- 
lishment of an international standard which shall fix for all the relative 
value of gold and silver coinage; and demanded the restoration of the 
money to its old-time strength and efficiency. Elaine was defeated and 
Grover Cleveland became President. 

In 1888 Benjamin Harrison was nominated for President and Levi 
P. Morton of New York for Vice-President, by the Republican conven- 
tion which met in Chicago. The platform reaffirmed the American doc- 
trine of protection. It demanded the freedom of the ballot, and declared 
its opposition to trusts. This was the first political platform to denounce 
trusts and other combinations of capital to control arbitrarily the con- 
ditions of trade. 

The Republican ticket was elected, Harrison receiving 233 electoral 
votes and Cleveland 168. There was a Republican Senate and House 
and the administration of President Harrison was noted for the passage 
of the McKinley tariff law, the Sherman anti-trust law, the firm foreign 


policy maintained, and also for the lirnniess of Speaker Reed in ruling' 
the House of Representatives so as to allow a majority to do business 
rather than have the House controlled by the minority. 

The Harrison administration was accompanied by great prosperity 
in every department of trade and industry, and was called the golden 
era of prosperity. President Harrison was defeated for re-election in 
1892, and the Democrats repealed the McKinley law, substituting for it 
the Wilson tariff law. They also repealed the Federal election law. The 
Cleveland administration was attended with commercial disaster 
throughout the country, and the Republicans again turned to William 
McKinley, the author of the McKinley tariff law, as the "advance agent 
of prosperity." He was nominated at St. Louis in 1896, and the plat- 
form condemned the tariff act passed by the ."i.'M Congress and favored 
protection. It opposed the free coinage of silver and favored the "exist- 
ing gold standard." President McKinley was elected by the largest pop- 
ular vote ever given to a candidate. His administration has redeemed 
all Republican pledges made in his platform. He called an extra session 
of Congress within ten days after his inauguration and within three 
months the Dingley bill had been enacted and signed. Cuba was freed 
from the cruel domination of Spain. A foreign war was fought for 
humanity and new glories added the army and navy; and the Philip- 
pines and Porto Rico were ceded to the I'nited States. The gold stand- 
ard was fixed by law. 

The Republican party has in forty years made this a nation and 
not a confederation of States, and at the beginning of the twentieth 
century it is to demonstrate anew that this government jntssesses na- 
tional power ami that Congress has the power to legislate for all 
American territory. 



William McKinley brought to the Presidency not only tried ability 
and ripe experience as a statesman, but the tact to manage men and bring 
his party into perfect harmony on all issues it had to meet, and also the 
party of the opposition on the great war issues which had to be settled by 
his administration. When it is remembered that in the past there has 
never been a war without "a pea.ce party," the success of President Mc- 
Kinley in bringing to his support the unanimous vote of Congress and 
the enthusiastic approval of all sections of the country, the tact of the 
man is made conspicuous 1 ., And this is no insignificant quality in an ex- 
ecutive of the nation. There have been Presidents whose ability was 
universally acknowledged, whose courage was beyond question, whose 
experience was great, but whose want of the tact to manage men and 
draw about them the enthusiastic support of those who represented the 
co-ordinate branches of the government has hampered their efforts to 
wisely govern and secure the best results for their administrations. 

President McKinley's success in bringing all branches of the govern- 
ment and all parties to his support on critical issues has been un- 
precedented. He has united the co-ordinate branches of the government 
in a harmonious purpose as never did any of his predecessors. He has 
deferred to Congress and Congress has come to his support until it has 
become an axiom that the great popular branch of the government has 
looked to the President as the leader in all national and international 
policies. It might be said that Congress has during this administration 
been the Cabinet of the President, so little has been the friction between 
these two co-ordinate branches of the government. 

William McKinley came to the office of President as a man of the 
people, with a larger personal following than any man who had been 
elected to the office since Washington. Few public men ever enjoyed the 
confidence and enthusiastic admiration of the American people as did he, 
and they failed in their ambition. He has through all the trying period 
of war and the controversies over the fruits of the war, retained this 



confidence of the masses to such a degree that the leaders of the opposi- 
tion parties have hesitated to attack him or even criticise his conduct as 
the Executive. They have accorded to him the greatest praise as a 
patriotic and loyal leader of the people, and for the first time in many 
years men of all parties in Congress have consulted freely with the Presi- 
dent and have been invited into his councils where questions of the gen- 
eral public welfare were considered. The tact of William McKinley 
has been one of the distinguishing features of his whole public career, 
and it has been as forceful in the White House as the Executive of the 
nation as it was in Congress as the Champion of Protection, in Ohio as 
the Republican leader, and in great national campaigns where he was 
the idol of the people. 

William McKinley was born on January 29, 1843, at Niles, Trumbull 
County, Ohio, where his father was interested in one of the early iron 
furnaces of that section. His boyhood was spent among the laborers 
in that field and his natural education was along the lines of protection 
to American labor. He was educated in the common schools of his 
native village and at the Poland Academy. In 1800, at the age of seven- 
teen, he entered Allegheny College, but taken sick early in the term, 
he returned home and that winter taught a country school. His duties 
ended in 1801, and it was his intention to return to Allegheny College 
in the fall, but just about the time his country school closed, secession 
reared its head in the South and sought to dismember the Union. Armed 
treason stalked through the South and the American flag over Fort 
Sumter was tired upon. Abraham Lincoln called for soldiers to de- 
fend the Union and the flag. Ohio's response was a ready one. In June 
the 23rd regiment of Ohio volunteers was organized at Columbus. Its 
first Colonel was William S. Rosecrans, afterward Major-General and 
commander of the Department of the Cumberland. Its Lieutenant- 
Colonel was Stanley Matthews, who became afterwards United States 
Senator ami later Justice of the Supreme Court. Its Major was Ruth- 
erford B. Hayes, thrice elected Governor of Ohio and then President of 
the United States. There marched in the ranks of Co. E as a private 
soldier, William McKinley, the young school-teacher of Niles, Ohio. 
This regiment was hurriedly mustered in and sent to West Virginia. 
For fourteen months private William McKinley served in the ranks, 
one of the hundreds of thousands who marched and fought and made 
major-generals famous. They saved the Union. William McKiuley 


performed every duty of a private soldier. He shouldered the musket 
and carried the knapsack, and in camp and on the march, on picket and 
in battle, he bore his part. It was said of Napoleon's soldiers that they 
were invincible because "each man carried in his knapsack the baton of 
a marshal of France" and fought to win it. William McKinley carried 
in his knapsack the scepter of civic power swayed by the President of 
the United States. In war he not only learned the stern duties of 
obeying the commands of superior officers, but he also learned to study 
men in that great school. Recently in speaking of his army experiences 
President McKinley said: "I always look back with pleasure upon those 
fourteen months in which I served in the ranks. They taught me a 
great deal. I was but a school boy when I went into the army and 
that first year was a formative period of my life, during which I learned 
much of men and affairs. I have always been glad that I entered the 
service as a private and served those months in that capacity." 

It was a stern school and the war taught our soldiers other lessons 
than those of marching and fighting. It taught them self-reliance, 
quick perception, and ready action in cases of emergency. Private 
McKinley saw his first battle when Rosecrans defeated the rebel Floyd 
at Carnifex Ferry. After the West Virginia campaign his regiment, 
joined the army of the Potomac and fought under McClellan. At An- 
tietam and South Mountain the young soldier saw war in its grimmest 
aspect. After Antietam he was promoted to Second -Lieutenant, but just 
previous to this promotion he had been made Commissary-Sergeant. He 
was on the staff of Colonel Hayes. It was at the battle of Antietam, 
which President Hayes has called the bloodiest day of the whole war, 
that Sergeant McKinley attracted attention to himself and won his pro- 
motion by his service which, while not set down in war histories as a 
part of the glorious deeds of that day, was nevertheless one that helped 
to w r in the fight. Under the hottest fire, with men lying dead and dying 
all about him, with men suffering bitterly from the want of a bite to eat. 
and a drop to drink, Sergeant McKinley organized a staff and went over 
that bloody field distributing food and coffee to the fighting men, cheer- 
ing them on with brave words and never for an instant seeming to care 
for the shot and shell that were flying about him. Colonel Hayes no- 
ticed this young man and while recovering from his wounds he called 
upon Governor Todd of Ohio and told him the incident. The Governor 
immediately ordered the promotion of Sergeant McKinley and further 


ordered that the promotion should be placed upon the roster of the com- 

Step by step the young man won his way up until three months be- 
fore he was mustered out he was made Major by brevet "for gallant and 
meritorious service at the battle of Opequau, Cedar Creek and Fisher 
Hill." That commission was signed "A. Lincoln." 

At the battle of Opequan, McKinley, then a Captain, won the regard 
and respect of his superior officers. The Twenty-third Ohio took a con- 
spicuous part in this battle and the brigade and division to which Mc- 
Kinley belonged made a most gallant charge across a morass. Gen- 
eral Hayes led this charge and McKiuley was on his staff. General 
Crook's corps, to which McKinley belonged, was held in reserve. The 
battle opened with the Sixth and Nineteenth Corp<. A dreadful crash 
and slaughter occurred. The 1'nion lines were driven back and Crook 
by direction of Sheridan sent for his reserve corps to come up. Every 
staff officer had been sent to hurry them. McKinley was the last one 
left with Crook. Both Crook and Sheridan said "Captain McKiuley, 
for God's sake go back and bring up those troops." McKinley found, 
on his way back, that the road over which the tirst division had come, 
was strewn with horses, broken caissons and dismantled artillery, and 
that it was obstructed to such an extent that it was impracticable for 
troops to pass over them. He found the tirst division slowly picking its 
way along this road to the front. He advised the commanding officer 
to make haste and then went to the second division, commanded by 
General Isaac H. Duval. He explained to General Duval the conditions 
at the front and the absolute necessity of the troops getting there as 
early as possible. He also explained the difficulty of making any head- 
way along the pike, and suggested to the General that there was a dirt 
road running parallel to the pike which would enable the division to 
get to the front more promptly. When McKinley made this suggestion 
to General Duval the General answered that he had not been com- 
manded to take the dirt road. The young Captain paused only for an in- 
stant, then rising in his stirrups, he said, "General Duval, by command 
of General Crook I command you to take the dirt road and proceed to 
the front with all possible speed." The General obeyed, moved his di- 
vision along the dirt road and reached the front in time to save the day. 
When this incident was reported to General Crook he called the young 


Captain before him and asked if it was correctly reported. McKinley 
replied that it was. 

"Did you know the full consequence of that order?" 

"I did." 

"Did you know that if that order failed to bring DuvaPs division to 
the front the responsibility would have rested upon you alone?" asked 
the General. 

"I knew that full well," replied the young Captain. "And for that 
responsibility I was liable to court-martial and even death. But I took 
that chance, believing it was the only way to save the day." 

The General looked at his young staff officer a minute and then re- 

"And you did save the day." 

This readiness of William McKinley to accept responsibility and act 
promptly in an emergency has characterized his whole career as soldier, 
as statesman and as President of the United States. General Sheridan 
testified to this characteristic of McKinley in his account, of the battle 
at Cedar Creek, the morning of his ride from Winchester. Sheridan 
says, that the first encouragement he met with on that famous ride was 
young McKinley rallying a squad of straggling troops to check the re- 
treat. William McKinley remained in the army from June, 1861, until 
September, 1865. He served as private, as Sergeant, as Lieutenant, as 
Captain, and 1 the service as a major of United States volunteers by 

William McKinley was twenty-two years old when he returned to 
Ohio and civil life. His four j r ears service had given him a taste for 
army life, and but for his father's opposition he might have entered the 
regular army, as General Carroll desired him to do. He chose civil life, 
however, studied law with Charles E. Glidden and David Wilson of 
Mahoning County, took a course at the Albany (N. Y.) law school and 
in 1867 was admitted to the bar and located at Canton, Stark county, 
which has since been his home. Soon after McKinley began his law 
practice he made the acquaintance of Marcus A. Hanna under circum- 
stances which did not then suggest the strong friendship which has for 
years drawn the two men so close together. The father of Senator 
Hanna owned the coal mines at Massillon and during a strike incendi- 
aries set fire to the works and they were destroyed. Twenty-three coal 
miners who had been employed there were arrested and tried for that 


crime. They were poor and had not the means to secure counsel as 
the labor unions in that day were not so well organized or so able io 
assist their members. William McKinley heard of these arrests and to 
one of the miners volunteered their defense. He took charge of the de- 
fense of all the miners under arrest and while the evidence appeared to 
be overwhelming against them, twenty-two of these men were acquitted 
by the jury and the twenty-third who was found guilty was afterward 
pardoned, largely through the influence of his young attorney. In that 
trial McKinley made his firgt great fight for the laboring men. He did 
it without money and without price, for he refused to accept any pay 
for his services. In a contest between labor and capital he took his po- 
sition with labor. He has maintained that position ever since ami 
throughout his whole public career he lias been the champion of Amer- 
ican labor. He has always had the support of organized labor in his 
own county and congressional district and by that vote he has served 
not only his district but the whole country. 

He began his political career by becoming a candidate for prosecut- 
ing attomev in Stark count v in ls<;j. lie was elected in a democratic 

o / 

county but defeated for re-election two years later. In 1872 he took 
the stump for his party, and in INTO he was nominated as the Repub- 
lican candidate for Congress. For fourteen years he represented the 
district of which Stark county was a part not the same district, for 
the Ohio Democrats did not relish the part he was playing in Congress 
and "gerrymandered" him three times. In 1878 they so changed th" 
district as to give it a Democratic majority of l.SOO, but McKinley car- 
ried it by a majority of 1300. In 1884 they again changed the district so 
as to give it a Democratic majority of 1500 but Me Kin ley's popularity 
changed that to a Republican majority of 1530. Finally in 1890, the 
year he had placed upon the statute books of the nation the famous 
McKinley bill, partisan intolerance had its most iniquitous expression. 
Stark county was put in a district which had a Democratic majority of 
nearly 4000. McKinley did not falter but made the fight for re-election 
against the overwhelming odds and that campaign became one of the 
most notable political battles that has ever been waged in a congres- 
sional district. McKinley was defeated but the majority against him 
was not 4000 but only 303 votes. That defeat and that tight made Wil- 
liam McKinley Governor of Ohio and later President of the United 


William McKinley's record in Congress is a part of the most import- 
ant history of the country. He was active and prominent from the time 
he entered the House of Representatives. When James A. Garfield be- 
came President, Major McKinley took his place on the Ways and Means 
Committee of the House. He served there for fourteen years and in 
that time he devoted his attention very largely to the tariff question. 
He took part in many prominent debates on various questions but 
he made the tariff his especial study. He followed the advice of Presi- 
dent Hayes who said to him when first elected a Representative, "To 
achieve success and fame you must pursue a special line. You must 
not make a speech on every motion offered or every bill introduced. 
You must confine yourself to one thing in particular. Become a special- 
ist. Take up some branch of legislation and make it your study. Why 
not the tariff?" 

Everybody knows how Major McKinley did take up the tariff and 
how he made what was considered the driest subject in Congress one 
of the most interesting. He made it a question which became the 
great issue between the two great political parties of this country. 
With him "protection" became a passion. Until 1888 a protective tar- 
iff had been one of the planks in Republican platforms. In that year 
Major McKinley was the Chairman of the Committee on Platform, 
made "protection to American industry" the paramount issue of the 
campaign and on that issue Benjamin Harrison was elected President 
and the Republican party was given control of the House of Represen- 

When the Fifty-first Congress met, Major McKinley was a candidate 
for Speaker but was defeated by Thomas B. Reed, and Speaker Reed 
selected McKinley for Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means. 
This was the natural result of the great campaign which had 
again placed the Republican party in power in all branches of the 
government. McKinley, as Chairman of the Committee that fomulated 
the Republican platform in 1888, became the Chairman of the great 
Committee in Congress that must carry out the pledges of that platform. 
He drafted the tariff bill with which his name became identified. Pos- 
sibly no measure passed by Congress 'has been the subject of so much 
discussion and so widely varying opinions as has the McKinley tariff 
bill. Its friends have sung its praises and its enemies have been loud 
in their denunciation. Before it got into practical operation the over- 


whelming Democratic victories of 1890 threw uncertainty over the re- 
sult of the Presidential contest of 1802, and the business interests of the 
country took alarm. Major McKinley was defeated in that year of 1890 
and with him enough Republicans went to defeat to give the Democrats 
an overwhelming majority in Congress. Thousands of Republicans all 
over the country became timid and looked upon the McKinley tariff 
bill as the cause of the downfall of the Republican party. But the 
courage and the faith of its author rose above all the doubts and dis- 
couragements of the time. He said, "my friends, be tirm. This is only 
a cross current; the tide of truth Hows surely <>n beneath." 

The history written in the last eight years has demonstrated the cor- 
rectness of Major McKinley's view. The Democratic party came into 
power in 189:* on a platform of free trade which at once began to dis- 
turb business and industry. P.efore President Cleveland's last term 
was half finished, manufacturing industries were parali/ed and thous- 
ands upon thousands of American workingmen were without work, and 
the whole people were calling for a return to the prosperous times that 
had followed the enactment of the McKinley law. In ls91 there was an 
unprecedented demand for William McKinley, then Governor of Ohio, 
to speak in all parts of the country, and every when- he went he was 
hailed as the next President of the United States. 

Major McKinley had several times had the tempting offer <>f the 
Presidency dangled before his eyes by his admiring friends. In 1884 
as a delegate-at-large from Ohio to the Republican National Convention 
he supported James G. Blaine for President. He was again a delegate- 
at-large in 1SSS, this time advocating the nomination of John Sherman. 
It was a long and exciting contest. The convention was in session 
for more lhari a week. Mr. P.laine. then in Europe, was ardently sup- 
ported by many, despite his letter declining to be a candidate. There 
grew up a strong feeling for McKinley. Many of the leaders favored 
his nomination as the best solution of the difficulty. On Saturday, June 
L'l', every Republican member of the House of Representatives then in 
Washington, joined in a telegram to Chicago saying that the best in- 
terests of the party demanded the nomination of Major McKinley. That 
same day during the balloting, Connecticut cast a vote for McKinley. 
lie rose in the midst of the roll call and said Ohio had sent him there 
to support John Sherman, and his heart and judgment accorded with 
his instructions. He could not remain silent with honor nor consistent 


with the credit of Ohio, honorable fidelity to John Sherman or with 
his own views of personal integrity "consent or seem to consent to be a 
candidate." "I would not respect myself," said he, "if I could find it in 
my heart to do or to say, or to permit it to be done, that which would 
even be ground for anyone to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty to 
Ohio, or my devotion to the chief of her choice and the chief of mine. 
I do not request, I demand that no delegate who would not cast a re- 
flection upon me, shall cast a ballot for me." Major McKinley remained 
steadfast in his position, and when Elaine's letter came reiterating his 
refusal to be a candidate, the nomination went to Benjamin Harrison 
and was ratified by his election in the fall. It is not a rash statement 
to say that Major McKinley's fidelity lost him the Presidency in 1888. 
But it increased the confidence of the people in his honor and faithful- 
ness to his trust. 

Four years later when the Minneapolis convention met, Major Mc- 
Kinley was unanimously chosen its permanent chairman. When it 
became evident that Blaine could not defeat President Harrison's re- 
nomination, many of his friends again turned toward McKinley. There 
was great excitement when the convention began to ballot. Major 
McKinley was in the chair and announced that the ballot for President 
should be taken. The first State called, Alabama, told that some at least 
of Blaine's strength was going to McKinley. When Ohio's vote was called, 
the vote was announced as forty-four for McKinley and two for Harri- 
son. The convention went wild. Amid the din and confusion Major 
McKinley, in the chair, demanded a poll of the delegation. He said, 
"I am a delegate from Ohio, and I demand that my vote be counted." 
"You are not here," shouted Foraker, chairman of the delegation, "and 
your alternate voted for you." Chairman McKinley insisted, however, 
upon a poll of the delegation, and Ohio cast forty-five votes for McKinley 
and one for Harrison. The one Harrison vote was cast by McKinley. 
Again he showed his loyalty to the trust imposed in him by his State 
and by the President, who was his friend. It was not remarkable after 
these two refusals to become a candidate that the Republicans of the 
country turned to Major McKinley again in 1896 and made him their 
candidate for President. He had served four years as governor of Ohio, 
and his State with great enthusiasm presented his name to the conven- 
tion at St. Louis. He was elected by the largest popular vote ever given 
to a candidate for President. His administration has been one of the 


most brilliant the country has ever known, and it has added to the 
glory of the nation in war and in peace and has extended the territory 
over the islands of the sea. 

In his conduct of the war with Spain President McKinley was in 
fact, as well as in name, the Commander-in-chief <>f the army and navy. 
During the three months of that war President McKinley sal in the war 
room at the White House in communication with every commander in 
Cuba and in the Philippines, and also with the commanders of t In- 
different squadrons of the navy. He directed that campaign in person 
as much as ever did a Commander-in-chief upon the Held. The electric 
wires and cables stretching out to every part of the world where an 
American regiment or an American naval ship was located carried his 
commands and directed their movements. With maps and plans show- 
ing the location of every regiment, and every battleship and cruiser 
and transport, the President did in fact keep his linger upon the ma- 
chinery of war and direct every movement of the army and navy. His 
experience as a soldier in the civil war had taught him the value of 
prompt action and determined movements in the direction of military 
campaigns. The credit of that short and energetic campaign which 
resulted in such great triumph for American arm.- \va> very largely due 
to the President himself. 

The home life of President McKinley is ideal. His devotion to his 
invalid wife has been the subject of much comment among the people 
of the whole country. In 1S71 he married Miss Ida Saxton of Canton. 
Their two children died in infancy, an especially deep intliction to a 
couple who loved children as they do. While there are no children in 
the White House to call that their home during this administration, it 
has been made we'-ome to all children by the President and his accom- 
plished wife. 

The unvarying courtesy of President McKinley extends beyond his 
home life and circle of friends. It reaches acquaintances and strangers 
and applies to political friend and political opponent alike. In public- 
debates he was never known to say an unkind WOK] of any man. He 
has attacked and defended principles, not men, and from men of all 
parties and all walks of life has been given the verdict, "He is a manly 
man, and a true gentleman." 



Marcus Alonzo Hanna, chairman of the National Republican Com- 
mittee, is one of the most prominent and influential citizens of Cleve- 
land, Ohio. He was born in New Lisbon (now Lisbon), Columbiana 
County, Ohio, September 24, 1837. His family were New England peo- 
ple. When the present Senator was fifteen years old, they removed to 
Cleveland. Mark Hanna w T as educated in the public schools of that 
city and the Western Reserve College, Hudson, Ohio. 

After his schooling he was engaged ;is an employee in the grocery 
house of Hanna, Garretson & Co., his father being senior member of t In- 
firm. His father died in 18(>2 and he represented that interest in the 
firm until 1S67 when the business was closed, when he became a mem- 
ber of the firm of Rhodes & Co., engaged in the iron and coal business. 
At the expiration of ten years the title of this firm was changed to M. A. 
Hanna & Co., which still exists. This business has been extended in 
various directions until their interests m>\\ amount to several millions 
of dollars, and includes among other tilings the larg.-st ship yards on 
the lakes. Mark Haniia was one of the earliest stockholders in tin- 
Standard Oil Company. He is also a large owner in street railways, 
both in Cleveland and Hufi'alo, and there are few prominent enterprises 
in the city in which he lives, which he has not encouraged and in which 
he is not interest ed to some extent. Senator Hanna is president of the 
Union National Bank, of Cleveland, president of the Cleveland City 
Railway Company, and president of the Chapin Mining Company. He 
was a director of the Union Pacific Railway Company in 1SS5 by ap- 
pointment of President Cleveland. 

Although repeatedly urged to accept the nomination for offices in 
the gift of his party, Senator Hanna kept out of politics until recent 
years. He was a strong supporter of Garfleld'a candidacy for the presi- 
dency in 1880 and was a liberal contributor to his campaign fund. In 
1884, 1888 and 1896 he was a delegate to the Republican National Con- 
ventions, and in the later year, after the nomination of McKinley for 
the presidency, he was chosen chairman of the National Republican 
committee and managed that campaign. He has been re-chosen for 
that position for the campaign of 1900. He was appointed to the Uni- 
ted States Senate as a Republican to fill the vacancy caused by the resig- 
nation of John Sherman in 1897 to become Secretary of State. He was 
elected by the Legislature to fill out the short term and re-elected, so 
that his term of service will expire March 4, 1905. 



John Hay, Secretary of State of the United States, is one of the 
most notable figures in the diplomatic service of America. The death 
of Vice-President Hobart makes Mr. Hay the successor apparent to the 
presidency in case of the "removal, death, resignation, or inability" of 
President McKinley before March 4, 1001. 

A man of great an( l varied abilities, graduating at Brown University 
at twenty, he began by studying law with Abraham Lincoln in Spring- 
field. He gained admission to the bar of the Supreme Court of Illinois 
in 1861, then came immediately to Washington as assistant secretary to 
President Lincoln, acted also as his adjutant and aid-decamp and 
served for several months under (lenerals Hunter and (lillmore with the 
rank of major and the brevet of colonel. 

I' | ion the death of 1'resideut Lincoln Colonel Hay went to Paris as 
secretary of legation, next to Vienna as secretary of legation and charge- 
de-affaires and then as secretary of legation to Spain. He returned to 
America to become editorial writer on the New York Tribune for five 
years. He served as Assistant Secretary of State from November 1, 
1879, until May 3, 1881, and on March 1!>, 1S!7, took the chief place in 
our diplomatic service as ambassador to (treat Britain. lie became 
Secretary of State September 20, 1898. Although he has never served 
long in any one office, except the four years as assistant secretary to 
President Lincoln, he has made his murk and added to his reputation by 
his thorough and skillful work in every post. 

Colonel Hay has won even more repute by his literary work than by 
his activity in politics and diplomacy. His most important book is the 
"Life of Lincoln," written in collaboration with John (}. Nicolay, which 
was published in several volumes. 

Colonel Hay's poems had previously gained for him a wide reputation 
as a keen humorist a.nd sympathetic observer of human nature. His 
"Pike County Ballads," published in 1S71 ; "Jim Bludso" and "Little 
Breeches" have become exceedingly popular. His "Castilian Days," 
studies of Spanish life and character, the fruit of his sojourn in Spain as 
a diplomatic officer of the United States, appeared in 1871. 

His marriage to the daughter of Amasa Stone, the Cleveland multi- 
millionaire, brought Colonel Hay great wealth and their home in Wash- 
ington is one of the famous houses of the capital city. 




Elihu Root, of New York, Secretary of War, in accepting the post 
vacated by Mr. Alger, has come into greater responsibilities in the ad- 
ministration of our military affairs than has any other man since Kdwiu 
M. Btanton directed the aH'airs of war during the Rebellion. When Pres- 
ident McKinley announced in Cabinet meeting on July 21, 1899, that it 
was his intention to ask Mr. Hoot to take the otlicc, he said, in effect, that 
he regarded it under the present and prospective conditions as second to 
no other in the Cabinet and that he had selected Mr. Root because he felt 
that the place demanded a man of unusual ability, strength and discre- 
tion. The members of the Cabinet, in warmly approving the President's 
choice, generally added that they regarded the Secretaryship of War as 
HOW the most important Cabinet otlice. President .McKinley had been 
keeping Mr. Root in mind for some great duty like this ever since offering 
him the mission to Spain, which (Jeneral Woodford took after Mr. Root 
had felt obliged to decline the honor, and now the duty was so great as to 
warrant his belief that Mr. Hoot would fed obliged to respond to its de- 
mand as an imperative call to patriotic service of the highest character 
and importance. The President's expectation was promptly justified by 
Mr. Root, who accepted the invitation like a good soldier obeying a com- 
mand, and has thus far tilled the diflieult position with intelligence, skill 
and tact seldom equalled. 

Mr. Root was born in Clinton, nneida County, New York, February 
15, 1845. II is father was Oren Koot, for many years professor of mathe- 
matics in Hamilton College, where Mr. Root himself graduated, paying 
for his own education with the money he earned teaching school. Then 
he studied law, completing his course at the I'niversity Law School, in 
New York City. 

He took from the l>eginniiig a public-spirited interest in politics and 
engaged actively on the Republican side. The only office he ever held 
before becoming Secretary of War was that of Tinted Stales District 
Attorney at New York City, to which he was appointed by his friend, 
President Arthur, and in which he served with success for two years. For 
many years Mr. Root has been recognized as one of the leaders of the New 
York bar. 

Copyrighted 189 by Aime Dupont, N. Y. 



No other member of President McKinley's Cabinet has been more 
constantly and seriously occupied, since the fall of 1897, than the Sec- 
retary of the Navy, John Davis Long. From the moment the Cuban 
question began to assume a look that threatened a possible disturbance 
of peaceful relations between Spain and the I'nited States, the naw 
department began devoting its energies to the development of its power. 
In a few months, with the least possible advertisement of its purposes, 
the service advanced rapidly from a condition of unreadiness to one of 
comparatively great efficieney. 

Mr. Long was born in Buckfield, Oxford County, Me., October 27, 
1838. He received a common school education in his native place, an 
academic education at Hebron, a neighboring town, and a collegia tc 
education at Harvard. He composed the class ode to be sung at the 
commencement in 1857. After leaving college he accepted the position 
as principal of the Westford Academy, where he remained two years. 
He then entered the Harvard law school, completing his legal studies in 
the offices of Peleg \V. Chandler and Sidney Hart lett in Boston. He was 
admitted to the bar in 1861, began to practice in his native town, ami 
became partner of Stillman B. Allen, in Host on, in 1X(>2, when his citi- 
zenship in Massachusetts began. 

In 1875 he first entered the political arena and was elected to the 
Massachusetts House of Representatives. He was re-elected to the Leg- 
islature in 1876, 1877 and 1878 and during these years w;-s speaker of 
the House. At the Republican convention in 1878 he received the 
nomination for Lieutenant-Governor on the ticket with Hon. Thoma- 
Talbot, and was elected. He was nominated for the governorship iu 
the following year and was elected, his opponent being General B. F. 
Butler. In 1880 he was unanimously renominatcil for a second term 
and was elected. He held the office by re-election until 1883. Then he 
declined a re-election and his constituents in the Second Congressional 
district of Massachusetts nominated him for the national legislature 
by acclamation. He was elected and served six years. 

Mr. Long then returned to the practice of his profession and was one 
of the busiest lawyers in Boston till President McKinley took him from 
his office, his home, and his books to become the head of the navy depart- 
ment. He was considered a strong candidate for the Republican nom- 
ination for the vice-presidency, and even the administration favorite, 
but Governor Roosevelt, of New York, developed impregnable strength 
and Secretarv Long's name was not presented. 



Joseph Benson Foraker, like Lincoln and Grant, is from the farm. 
He was born among the picturesque hills of the interior of the State, in a 
log cabin near Rainsboro, Highland County, Ohio, July 5, 1846. The be- 
ginning of his education was in the district school. 

He was but sixteen years old when he enlisted as a private in Com- 
pany A, Eighty-ninth Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry. He was the 
first man mustered in and the last man mustered out. He served in 
this regiment until the close of the war, at which time by successive pro- 
motions he had risen to the rank of firsi lieutenant and brevet captain. 

Before he was nineteen years old the war was over, and the boy sol- 
dier, with a record of three years of brilliant military service, returned 
to the farm, the mill and the school. After two years at the Ohio Wes- 
leyan University, Delaware, Ohio, he entered Cornell rniversity and 
graduated in the first class, .July 1, isij'.i. NVhile attending Cornell he 
studied law and was admiued to the bar ami began the practice of the 
law at Cincinnati, Ohio, October 14, 1869. The following year he was 
married to Miss Julia Bundy, of Wellston. Ohio. 

The advance of the young attorney was steady and permanent. His 
marvelous ability coupled with intinite capacity for hard work marked 
him a conspicuous figure among the young men at the bar ami in 1876 he 
was nominated on the Republican ticket for common pleas judge, but was 
defeated. In April, 1879, he was elected judge of the superior court of 
Cincinnati and presided with signal distinction. So thorough was he 
in his researches before announcing a decision that none he has given has 
been reversed. After three years In resigned on account of ill health, his 
resignation being accepted upon his insistence in the face of the most 
urgent protests from the leading members of the bar. Then lie returned 
to the practice of law and in 1SS:> was placed on the Republican State 
ticket as nominee for Governor, but was defeated. Two years later he 
was renominated and elected, serving four years. In 1889 he was nomi- 
nated the fourth time for Governor, but was defeated by James E. Camp- 
bell. He was elected United States Senator, January 15, 1896, to 
succeed Calvin S. Brice, and took his seat, March 4, 1897. His term 
will expire March 3, 1903. 



Lyman Judson Gage, Secretary of the Treasury, was born at De 
Ruyter, Madison county, New York, June 28, 183(>. When he was but 
ten years old, his family removed to Rome, Oneida county, New York, 
where at the age of seventeen he began his career as a financier by as- 
suming the duties of office boy. and clerk in the Oneida Central bank. 
Mr. Gage's learning is self-acquired. His school days were- few and 
ended when he was fourteen \ears <.f age. 

In 1855 he went to Chicago to seek his fortune. Finding no ready 
clerical employment, he went to work in a planing mill but did not re- 
main there long. His natural capabilities -...m secured him a position 
in the office, and in 1858 he re-entered the banking business by becom- 
ing a book-keeper, for the Merchants' Loan and Trust Company. With- 
in a year he was the paying teller of thai concern. In I860 he was as- 
sistant cashier, and cashier in 1861. When t he ( 'hit-ago ( 'learing House 
was organized Mr. < lage was offered the management. He declined I he 
position, but undertook its duties until the project was fairly launched. 

Mr. Gage's connection with the First National Hank began in 18G8, 
when he was appointed cashier. In Iss'J he was elected vice president, 
and in 1891, on the retirement of S. M. Nickerson, Mr. (Jage succeeded 
him as president of the bank. Mr. (Inge was elected President of the 
World's Columbian Exposition in May, 1S90, but resigned when he ac- 
cepted the presidency of the bank. 

Mr. (Jage has been identified with many public enterprises and also 
many private concerns which were of such wide intluence ;ts to be semi- 
public in their character. He was a member of the Clearing House 
Committee when the Chicago Clearing House Association was tirst or- 
ganized, lie became at once an officer of the Citizens' League on its 
organization in lSS.~i. He was a director of the Fnion Stockyards Na- 
tional Bank on its organization in 18f>9. He was one of the Executive 
Committee of the Commercial Club at its inception in 1SS.">. He was 
Vice President of the Tnion Club in 1SS4; Treasurer of the Y. M. C. A. 
in 1878-'79; Treasurer of the Art Institute for several years; for three 
terms President of the American banker's Association, and one of the 
chief promoters of the musical festivals and concerts which have done 
so much to place Chicago in the front rank as a musical center. lie 
was Chairman of the Committee on Finance for the Republican National 
Convention of 1880. 





John Mellen Thurston, of Omaha, was born at Montpelier, Vermont, 
August 21, 1847. His ancestors were Puritans; their settlement in this 
country dates back to 1636. His grandfather Mellen and great-grand- 
father Thurston were both soldiers in the Revolutionary war. Mr. 
Thurston's father was a tanner and a farmer. His parents removed to 
Wisconsin when he was a boy, and after his father had died in 
the war, young Thurston sawed wood, built fences and worked in the 
harvest field, contributing his earnings to the support of his mother. In 
1868 he went to Chicago, bought an express wagon and horse, and for 
about a year drove over Chicago delivering goods for various wholesale 
houses. After one year of that work he returned home to Heaver Dam 
and began to trap and catch fish under the ice. During this time he at- 
tended the public school at Beaver Dam and the next year entered Way- 
land University at the same place. 

In May, 1869, he was admitted to the l>ar and in the fall he went to 
Omaha and opened up an office, lie was elected justice of the peace in 
1871, city attorney of Omaha in 1874 and a member of the Nebraska Leg- 
islature in 1875. In 1877 he was made assistant, general attorney for the 
Union Pacific Railway company and in 1SSS became general solicitor at 
a salary of $12,000 a year. 

In politics Mr. Thurston lias always been an ardent Republican. In 
1884 he was a delegate to the National Republican Convention at Chi- 
cago, and seconded the nomination of John A. Logan for Vice-President. 
In 1888 he became temporary chairman of the Republican National Con- 
vention at Chicago and his speech on that occasion was regarded as so 
eloquent that it gave him a national reputation, lie was president. of the 
Republican League of the United States from 1889 to 1891. He was 
selected as permanent chairman of the Republican National Convention 
held in St. Louis in June, 1896, which nominated Major William Mc- 
Kinley for President, 

January 15, 1895, he was elected to the United States Senate. His 
eloquent speech in the Senate on tin- ( 'nban question, after a journey of 
investigation in that unhappy island, was one of the most potent factors 
in influencing American intervention to obtain freedom for the Cubans. 
His term of service will expire March 3, 1901. 




Charles E. Littlefleld was born in Lebanon, York county, Maine, in 
1851. His father was the Rev. W. H. Littlefield, a minister of the Bap- 
tist Church, a gentleman of broad culture as well as a marked bent for 
mechanics. The son, after a high school education, was put to work 
at the carpenter's bench. From carpentry he graduated into the pattern 
shop of a granite company, and among other things helped to prepare 
and box the stone for the State, War and Navy Department building in 
Washington., From his wages he saved enough to enter a law office in 
Bockland and study for the bar, and his work was so thorough that he 
passed the best examination of any applicant for admission in the history 
of Knox county. 

Settling in Rockland, his present home, Mr. Littlefield opened a law 
office, and it was not long before his worth became generally known and 
practice came to him rapidly. His eloquence and the force of his logic- 
made him a striking figure in the courtroom. His professional ability 
naturally drew him into the political field. He became a member of 
the city council, then a member of the Republican county committee, 
and next of the Republican State committee. He was elected county 
attorney in spite of a normal Democratic majority, and in 1885 was 
elected to the Legislature, then re-elected and chosen speaker during 
his second term. Two years later he was chosen Attorney General by the 
people and, with the exception of Thomas H. Reed, he was the youngest 
man who ever held that office in .Maine. 

Mr. Littlefield's first public service was in the Maine Legislature, 
where he interested himself successfully in several measures for improv- 
ing the condition of the work ing people, regulating the hours of labor, 
and extending the protection of the law over children employed in 

Mr. Littlefield is regarded by all not only as a worthy successor to the 
late Nelson Dingley, but as a man who will uphold the reputation of 1 1n- 
state of Blaine and Reed in the House of Representatives. His speech 
in the case of Roberts of Utah and his outspoken opposition to the Porto 
Rico tariff bill have placed him conspicuously in the public eye and have 
called forth the opinions of the critics in the House as to his capacity and 
his promise. That he has become an influence which must be reckoned 
with nobody seems inclined to gainsay. 



William Boyd Allison, of Dubuque, was born in Perry, Ohio, March 2, 
1829. His father was a farmer and the future Senator lived the life of 
the ordinary country boy, working on the farm three-fourths of the year 
and attending the district school in winter. His substantial educa- 
tion was acquired at Alleghany College, in Meadville, Pennsylvania, and 
at the Western Reserve College, in Hudson, Ohio. He studied law at 
Wooster, Ohio, and was admitted to the bar in 1852. He practiced law 
in Ashland, Ohio, and in 1857 moved to Dubuque, Iowa. 

He at once became interested in Iowa politics. He had known Sam- 
uel J 1 . Kirkwood in Ohio and naturally became an adherent to the man 
since known in Iowa as the War Governor. Mr. Allison was a delegate 
to the State Convention which nominated Mr. Kirkwood in 1851). In 
1860 he was honored by being sent as a delegate to t he National Republi- 
can Convention, the Convention which nominated Abraham Lincoln. 
When Lincoln issued his. second call for troops, Governor Kirkwood 
placed Mr. Allison on the stall' with the rank <f colonel and gave him 
authority to raise regiments in Northwestern Iowa, and to equip them 
for service in the field. He raised in all four regiments. 

Mr. Allison was elected to Congress in 1862 and served four terms, 
retiring in 1871. He first took his seat in the House on March 3, 1863 
James G. Blaine and James A. Garfield took their seats in the same 
House for the first time. Mr. Allison was prominent on the Ways and 
Means Committee while he served in the House and declined a re-election 
in 1870. Two years later he was chosen to succeed James Harlan in the 
United States Senate, taking his seat .March 4, 1873. He has been re- 
elected four times since and his term of service of thirty years as a 
Senator will expire in 1903. 

Mr. Allison's most conspicuous sen-ice has been in connection with 
financial legislation. For years he has been recognized as one of the 
highest authorities on finance and of late perhaps the strongest and most 
influential member of the Senate. Mr. Allison was twice tendered a seat 
in the Cabinet, first by President Garfield and next by President Harri- 
son, each time declining the honor and remaining a Senator. On two 
occasions he has been a prominent candidate before the Republican Na- 
tional Convention for the Presidential nomination. 



Cushman Kellogg Davis, of St. Paul, was born in Henderson, Jeffer- 
son County, New York, June 16, 1838. He removed with his parents to 
Waukesha County, Wisconsin, at an early age, and was educated at Car- 
roll College, Waukesha, and Michigan University, where he graduated in 
June, 1857. On his return to Wisconsin he was employed as deputy 
clerk of the Supreme Court at Madison. 

He was first lieutenant in the Twenty-eighth Wisconsin Infantry in 
1862-64 and served as assistant adjutant iiencral on the staff of General 
Willis A. Gorman, of St. Paul. In 180.") he came to Minnesota and began 
the practice of law in St. Paul in partnership with General Gorman, 
under the firm name of Gorman and Davis 

His political career began as a member of the Minnesota Legislature. 
Then he became Governor of the State and finally Senator. He is now 
serving his second term. President M< -Kinley made him a. member of 
the commission which met at Paris, September, Is'.i.s, i., arrange terms 
of peace between the United States and Spain. Prior to that event he 
was a leader in the national Senate on Republican war policy and a 
powerful force at all times for fair construction of the Constitution and 
persistent upholding of its meaning. As a strong, aide practitioner of 
the law he became well known to the United States Supreme Court fifteen 
years ago. One of his strongest characteristics is, that although a man 
past the prime of life he remains a student, alwavs delving for the basic 
principles underlying new situations and new questions. lie reads 
more and perhaps makes more practical application of his reading than 
does any other member of the Senate. As a speaker he is forceful and 
convincing; as a public man he has always kept in close touch with the 
best thought of the country. He is essentially a Western product. 
Twice he has been mentioned for the vice-presidency. Senator Davis' 
free trade amendment to the Porto Rican House bill offered in March 
struck the popular chord. His Republicanism is of the most stalwart 
kind. His fame extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific, as one of the 
most influential members of the Senate and one of the deepest students of 
our foreign relations. He is chairman of the Senate Committee on For- 
eign Relations. 




John C. Spooner, of Madison, was born at Lawrenceburg, Dearl>orn 
County, Indiana, January 6, 1843. Sixteen years later his home was 
changed by the removal of his father's family to Madison, Wisconsin. 
Having graduated from the State University there in 1864, he imme- 
diately enlisted as a private in Company D, in the 40th Wisconsin Volun- 
teers. Sickness compelled him to retire from the army for a short time, 
during which he was Assistant State Librarian. He then raised a com- 
pany of the 50th Wisconsin, which was sent to Fort Rice, North i >akota, 
to fight Indians, He was mustered out. in July, 186(5, with the rank of 
major, but eighteen months subsequent service on the staff of Governor 
Fairchild, as private and military secretary. < nt it led him to be known as 

Admission to the bar was gained in 1867, and until 1870 Colonel 
Spooner served as Assistant Attorney-General of the State, when lie re- 
moved to Hudson, where he practiced law from 1870 until 1884. Having 
been elected a member of the Legislature. In- vigorously championed there 
the ca.use of the State I'nivcrsity, for which reason he was soon after ap- 
pointed one of the Regents of that institution. For twelve years Colonel 
Spooner was general solicitor of the West Wisconsin Kailroad company 
and of the Chicago, St. Paul. Minneapolis and Omaha Hail road company. 
In his law practice Colonel Spooner won distinction as a logical and 
forcible leader. He has hardly an eipial as an orator in Wisconsin. Upon 
his advent to the Senate in 1885 he was recomfi/ed as an alert, ener- 
getic man of affairs and a shrewd politician. He was chairman of the 
Wisconsin delegation to the National Kepuhlican Convention in 1SSS. 
In 1891 he was succeeded as United States Senator by William F. Vilas, 
a Democrat. Senator Spooner was again chairman of the Wisconsin 
delegation to the National Republican Convention at. Minneapolis in 
1892, and was nominated a few months later for Governor, but was de- 
feated. In 1893 he removed from Hudson to Madison, where he en- 
gaged in the practice of law. He was elected I'niied States Senator 
January 27, 1897. .His term of service will expire March .",, 1!)03. 

Earnest Republican he is, and firm in his convictions of tin* views 
which the party supports. Senator Spooner has not hesitated at times 
to oppose his party's action when he felt it to IM? in violation of the basic 
principles of Republicanism. In such cases he has the courage of his 




George F. Hoar of Worcester, Mass., was born in Concord, Mass., 
August 29, 1826. He studied in early youth at Concord Academy and 
graduated at Harvard College in 1840. He studied law and graduated 
at the Dane Law School, Harvard University, then settled at \Vorcester 
where he practiced. lie was a member of the State House of Repre- 
sentatives in 1852 and of the State Senate in ls.">7; was City Solicitor in 
1860. He was elected a Representative to the Forty-first, Forty-sec- 
ond, Forty-third and Forty-fourth Congresses. lie declined a renomi- 
nation for Representative in the Forty-fifth ('ongi'-ss. 

Mr. Hoar was an overseer of Harvard College from 1874 till 1880. 
He declined re-election then, but was re-elected once more in 1896. lie 
was chosen President of the Association of the Alumni of Harvard, but 
declined. He presided over the Massachusetts State Republican con- 
ventions of 1871, 1877, 1882 and 1885, and \\ as a delegate to the Republi- 
can National Convention of 1876 at Cincinnati, and of 1SSO, 1884 and 
1888, at Chicago, presiding over the convent ion of 1880. He was chair- 
man of the .Massachusetts del. -at ion in 1SSO, ISSt and 1888. He was 
one of the managers on the part of the House of Representatives of the 
Belknap impeachment trial in 1S76, and was a member of the Electoral 
Commission in 1876. 

Senator Hoar was Regent of the Smithsonian Institution in 1880; 
has been President and Vice President of the American Antiquarian 
Society; President of the American Historical Association, Trustee of 
the Peabody Museum of Archaeology,Trustee of the Leicester Academy, 
is a member of the Massachusetts Historical Society, of the American 
Historical Society, the Historic-Genealogical Society, the Virginia His- 
torical Society, and corresponding member of the I'rooklyn Institute of 
Arts and Sciences. He is a trustee of the Peabody fund. He has re- 
ceived the degree of Doctor of Laws from William and Mary, Ainherst, 
Yale and Harvard Colleges. He was elected to the United States Sen- 
ate as a Republican, to succeed George S. Boutwell. He took his seat 
March 5, 1877, and was re-elected in 1883, 1889, and 1895. His term of 
service will expire March 3, 1901. 

Senator Hoar is the most eminent example of divergence from his 
party's views on imperialism, believing as he does that the Filipinos 
should be granted their independence. 

From a Photo by Purdy of Boston 
Copyright 1897 



The youngest man in the United States Senate is Albert J. Beveridge 
of Indiana. He is a native of Ohio. He was born October 6, 1862, in 
Highland county, and was sent to the Senate at the age of thirty-six. 

Beveridge's career has been one of hard application and indomitable 
pluck. The removal of his family from Ohio to Indiana wa a ronse- 
quence of serious reverses, and a life of privation and hardship began. 
While a boy his time was given up to two purposes: study that he might 
learn; work that he might study. Out of the farm and the logging-ramp 
he wrung the necessary funds for his early education. He made his way 
through the high school of the town in which he lived by entering the 
fall and winter terms late and quitting early each year, and by working 
nights and mornings. 

He entered De Pauw I'niversity, became the steward of a college club, 
and in this way passed through his tirst year, at the end of which he 
began by merit to win for himself the series of prizes in scholarship, phil- 
osophy, science and oratory which, by the end of his college course, 
amounted to enough to pay two years of his expenses. 

After graduation he entered the law office of 10. McDonald, 
and the firm of McDonald \ ISutler oll'ered him their managing clerkship 
at the end of the year. Beveridge's tirst case before a jury was in the 
United States court, with (Jeneral Harrison and his linn on the other 
side. The case lasted many days, during which the day set for .Mr. 
Beveridge's wedding i<> .Miss Katherine Langsdale of Greem-astle arrived, 
and Judge Woods adjourned court. IJeveridge went to ( Jreencastle, was 
married, returned that night to Indianapolis, and next morning was 
again in court to attend to ]\\^ case. 

When only twenty-two years of age he began his political career, 
during the Blaine campaign of 1884, addressing his tirst audience in a 
blacksmith shop, and on the second occasion speaking in a barn. It is 
said that he has made more speeches in Indiana, and devoted more time 
to his party, than any other man in the State. 

The most conspicuous speech the young senator has yet made was 
that delivered in the Senate January 0, 1900, advocating the retention of 
the Philippines. Senator Beveridge spent the summer of 1899 in a jour- 
ney to the newly-acquired archipelago and, studying; the situation as 
carefully as possible, he was able to present his views of the islands and 
their people most eloquently and forcibly. 



Hazen S. Pingree was born in Denmark, Maine, August 30, 1840. 
Until he was fourteen years of age the Governor of Michigan worked 
hard on his father's small farm. Attending school in winter, he gained 
a fair education. When not laboring on the farm he found employment 
in cotton mills. Seeking more steady work, Mr. Pingree went to Hop- 
kinton, Massachusetts, and entered a shoe factory there where he learned 
the trade of a cutter. When the war began, young Pingree enlisted 
at once, and was enrolled in the Massachusetts Heavy Artillery. He 
has an unblemished military record. After the close of the war Mr. Pin- 
gree went to Detroit and engaged in the shoe business. This business 
was successful and grew until today his establishment is the largest boot 
and shoe factory in the West, employing TOO persons. 

Mr. Pingree's entrance into politics was in 18S!> when Detroit was a 
Democratic city by majorities ranging from four to five thousand. A 
Republican Mayor was wanted and I'ingree was nominated and elected 
by a surprisingly large majority. He served the city of Detroit in this 
office four terms. In 1896 Mr. Pingree was elected Governor of his 

Both as a city and State executive Mr. Pingree has been identified 
with various reforms, and his rapid rise in national prominence has 
made him conspicuous above the average. Often he is named as a pos- 
sible future candidate for the Presidency, and his friends believe that his 
well-known sympathies with the people would give him great strength, 
He has been called an enemy to corporations and trusts, invariably 
standing on the side of the people. One of Mr. 1'ingree's most famous 
undertakings was the allotment of public lands for cultivation by the 
worthy poor and unemployed of Detroit, during the period of his Mayor- 
alty. Several hundred acres were thus allotted, seeds were furnished and 
the resulting crops became the property of those who had cultivated the 
land. The remarkable success of this novel idea resulted in its initiation 
in many other cities and gained for its originator the nick-name of 
"Potato-patch Pingree." 

During his Governorship of the State of Michigan, Mr. Pingree has 
continued his reform policies. He is an opponent of inequality in tax- 
ation, the improper use of railway passes and federal patronage to influ- 
ence legislation and oppressive business methods by corporations. In 
all of these subjects he has been prominent as an advocate of corrective 




Richard Franklin Pettigrew, the famous radical Silver Republican 
Senator from South Dakota, was born in Ludlow, Vermont, July 2(5, 
1848, his father being a merchant of that place. When the future polit- 
ical leader was six years old, the family removed to Rock County, Wis- 
consin, settling first in Union and then in Evansville in the same 
township. He prepared for college in the Evansville Academy, and in 
1866 went to Beloit and entered the college there. ITe started to work 
his way through the course by takin:' < are of one of the college build- 
ings. While so engaged his father died and he was compelled to return 
home and assume the management of the farm, thus cutting his college 
course to two years. Young Pettigrew, however, did not relax his 
studies. For one term he taught school near home, and another win 
ter he was similarly employed near Cedar llapids, Iowa. lie spent the 
spring of 1869 in the law school of the University of Wisconsin, and 
thus finished his school education. 

In July, 1869, Mr. Pettigrew went to Dakota as a laborer in the em- 
ploy of a United States deputy surveyor. The route led them to the 
present site of Sioux Falls, and the young man then and there decided 
to make that part of the West his home. Having been admitted to the 
bar at Janesville, Wisconsin, in 1870, as soon as spring opened he 
started for Sioux Falls again, arriving there, after weeks of delay by 
bad roads and high water, with just 25 cents in his pocket. 

Mr. Pettigrew at once engaged in the surveying and real estate bus- 
iness. He opened a law office in 1872 and has been engaged in the prac- 
tice of his profession in Sioux Falls ever since. He was elected to the 
Dakota Legislature as a member of the Council in 1877 and 1879. He 
was a delegate to the Forty-seventh Congress from Dakota Territory, 
and came back to the Council in 1884. He was a member of the South 
Dakota Constitutional Convention in 1883, and was chairman of the 
Committee on Public Indebtedness, framing the provisions of the con- 
stitution on that subject. He was elected to the United States Senate 
in 1889 when South Dakota was admitted to the Union, and was re- 
elected in 1895. His term of service will expire March 3, 1901. 



Edward Oliver Wolcott, <f Colorado, was born in Long Meadow, 
Mass., March 20, 1848. He conn-* from the Wolcotis of New Kiigland, 
and can boast a kindred line of statesmen, soldiers and patriots as proud 
as New England can claim. lie is a lineal descendant of the original 
Henry "Wolcott, one of t lie first colonists of < 'onuect u-ut, who set t led at 
Windsor in 1(130. Mr. Wolcoti is one of eleven children of the Rev. 
Samuel Wolcott, 1). 1)., who was famous as a Congregational minister. 
On his mother's side Senator Wolcott has a worthy ancestry. His 
mother was Miss Harriet Pope, daughter of -Jonathan Adams Pope, for 
many years a resident of Norwich. Mr. Pope was a cotton merchant 
and perhaps knew more about and had more to do with developing the 
cotton-spinning industry than any other man in New Knglaud. 

Senator \Yolcott served for a lew months as a private in ihe One 
Hundred and Fiftieth regiment of Ohio Vnluniei rs in isiil. He en- 
tered Yale College in 18(>(>, but did not graduate. lie graduated from 
the Harvard Law School in 1*71 and removed to Colorado to join his 
brother, Henry K. AYolcott, who had been tw<: years in that Slate. Mr. 
Wolcott first taught school at Ulackhawk, a Little mining camp, a< iln* 
salary of $50 per month, and at the same lime was haul at work in the 
study of the law. He did not like the school room and a lidle later 
went to Georgetown, where he ediied a newspaper and continued in 
the practice of law. As his practice increased he gave up journalism 
and in 187(5 he was elected District Attorney. Mr. Wolcott served his 
constituents well, and rising rapidly in prominence as a successful prac- 
titioner more lucrative things came to him. He became inieresied in 
mines and railways, tirst as an attorney for their interests and then 
as an investor. Finally in 1SS!) he was elected to the I'niled States 
Senate as a Republican, and re-elected six years later. His term will ex- 
pire March 3, 1001. Senator \Yolcott was one of-the members of the 
commission appointed by President McKinley to negotiate in the in- 
terest of bimetallism with the Kuropean governments soon after his 
election and wrote a most interesting report of his work. lie was also 
temporary chairman of the Republican National Convention of 1900 in 
Philadelphia, which renominated Mr. .McKinley for the Presidency. 



The junior Senator from Indiana may be said almost to have begun 
his political career with his present position, for although his influence 
and advice have been felt in the party councils before, he had never held 
public office prior to his election to the Senate. 

Senator Fairbanks, now of Indianapolis, was born on a farm near 
Unionville Center, Union County, Ohio, May 1 1. 1 s "-. 1 1 was educated 
in the common schools of the neighborhood and in tin- NYesleyan Fniver- 
sity at Delaware, Ohio, graduating in the classical course of that insti- 
tution in 1872. Two years later he was admitted to the bar by the Su- 
preme Court of Ohio, and almost immediately removed t<> Indianapolis 
where he has ever since practiced his profession. 

Although not an office-holder, lie has been known for many years in 
hjs State, as a successful railway and corporal in lawyer, financier and 
even politician. As a relief from his other cares he has also been a con- 
tributor to the press. lie was elected a trustee of the Ohio Wesleyan 
University in 1885. His private fortune is very large, most of it gained 
by fortunate railway investments and enter] Mr has been a di- 

rector of several important roads and president of the Terre Haute and 
Peoria Railway. 

In 1893 Mr. Fairbanks was unanimously chosen as the nominee of 
the Republican caucus for United States Senator in the Indiana Legis- 
lature and subsequently received his entire party vote in the Le-i<- 
lature, but was defeated by David Turpie, Democrat. In 1MMJ he was a 
delegate-at-large from Indiana to the Republican National Convention 
at St. Louis, where Mr. McKinlev was nominated for the presidency, and 
was temporary chairman of that convention. Me had hem chairman 
of the Indiana State Republican convention in l^'.t-. and again in 1898 
he filled the same chair. In January, 1897, Mr. Fairbanks was chosen 
Senator by the Republican legislators, over Daniel W. Yoorhees, 
Democrat. His competitor before the Republican caucus had been Gen- 
eral Lew Wallace, author of "Ben Hur." Senator Fairbanks was ap- 
pointed a member of the United States ami I'.ritish Joint High Com- 
mission, which met in Quebec in 1898 for the adjustment of Canadian- 
American questions and was chairman of the United Stales Commis- 
sion. He is a warm friend of President McKinley, a strong supporter of 
his views and policies, and at one time was seriously considered as the 
"administration candidate?' for the Vice Presidential nomination of 
1900. His term of service in the Senate will expire March 3, 1903. 



Chauncey Mitchell Depew, for ninny years one of New York's most 
widely known citizens, was horn in Peekskill, X. V.. April 23, 1834. 
Mr. Depew's remote ancestors were French Huguenots, wlio came to this 
country about 1685 and were among the founders of New-Kochelle. 
In his school days ('liauncey Depew \vas an omnivorous reader and an 
eager student of history. He was a delicate child with yellow hair and 
awkward ways, and while his boy friends played football or went fishing, 
he found his most satisfying recreation in tin- companionship of books. 

After his graduation from tin- Peekskill Academy he went to Vale 
College, where he graduated with honors in 18.~i6. lie then returned to 
his native village and studied law in the office of William Nelson and 
was admitted to the bar in 1858. That same year he was elected a dele- 
gate to the Republican Slate Convention and tin- following year he took 
the stump for Abraham Lincoln. In 1SU1 he received his lirst public 
office, being elected to the Legislature, and served two terms h, that 
capacity. In 1864 Mr. Depew received the Kepnblican nomination for 
Secretary of State and was elected by a majority of :>0,(HM). It was in 
this campaign that he tirst displayed dearly the remarkable ability in 
public speaking which has since then been so generally recogni/ed. 

In 1866 he was appointed attorney for the New York & Harlem 
Railroad Company and thr e \>ars later he became attorney for the New 
York Central & Hudson Kiver Kailroad Company, and afterwards be- 
came a member of the board of directors. Mr. Depew's influence grew 
with the growth of the Yanderbilt system of railroads, and in 1875 he 
became general counsel for the entire system and was elected a director 
in each of the lines comprised in it. Mr. Depew's influence in railroad 
circles has been constantly increasing, until he has reached the position 
of chairman of the board of directors of the entire Yanderbilt system 
of railroads. 

.Mr. Depew was a candidate for the presidential nomination at the 
National Republican Convention of 1888. He has probably made as 
many political speeches as any man of his time. He has spoken publicly 
from one to six weeks in every political campaign in this country for 
thirty-nine years. In addition to his political speeches he has delivered 
innumerable addresses on a great variety of public occasions. 

.Mr. Depew was elected to the United States Senate in 1899 and his 
term of service will expire March .'J, 1 !><:>. 




Nelson Wilmarth Aldrich, of Providence, was born at Foster, Rhode 
Island,. November 0, 1841. During tin- greater portion of his life before 
the year 1858, he resided in the State of Connecticut, at Killingly, Wind- 
ham County. After having received a superior preparatory education 
he became a student at the Providence Conference Seminary, East 
Greenwich, R. I. 

Young Aldrich left that institution in 1857, and proceeded to Provi- 
dence, where he began a business career, which has proved exceedingly 
prosperous. The Senator res id e> in I'io\ idem-e, where he still continues 
his business. He was elected a member of the Common Council of the 
City of Providence in the year ISI;M, and continued a member until 
1875. In 1871-73 he presided over its deliberations. His fellow citizens 
elected him to the General Assembly of Rhode Island, of which he was 
a member in 1S7."> and 1S7<>, in the second of these years Speaker of the 
llonse of Representatives. After being a member of the Forty- sixth 
and Forty-seventh Congresses, on October 5, 1SS1, Mr. Aldrich was 
elected by the Grand Committee of both Houses of the Rhode Island 
Legislature, a United States Senator for the nnexpired term of Senator 
Burnside, deceased, lie took his seat December .">, issi, and was' re- 
elected in 1886, 1893 and 1899. 

Senator Aldrich is a man of culture, refinement and energy. The 
great influence which he has exerted in the Senate is a distinct tribute 
to his personal qualities. Small as the State of Rhode Island is, and 
not of great political consequence in its voting possibilities, the repre- 
sentatives of the little commonwealth in the halls of Congress have had 
to stand on nierit alone. They have not had the backing of a Xe\v York 
or a Pennsylvania to give them importance entirely outside of t heir own 
personalities. Senator Aldrich lias been popular as a man and influ- 
ential as a legislator. His wide experience in business affairs, and his 
invariable success in commerce have acted to give weight to his opinions 
whenever commercial questions have been under consideration. Sena- 
tor Aldrich is chairman of the committee on Rules, and is a hardwork- 
ing member of the committees on Finance, Interstate Commerce, Cor- 
porations Organized in the District of Columbia, and Transportation 
Routes to the Seaboard. 





lion. Henry Cabot Lodge, who has been a prominent figure particu- 
larly by reason of his active woi k for the reform of the consular service, 
and who made an interesting report from the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee upon the bill for the reorgani/ation of all grade s of Consuls and 
the extension to them of the protect ion of the Civil Service law, was 
born in Boston, Mass., May 11', ls.~>0. He was educated in the best pri- 
vate schools of New Fngland and entered I larvard College at the age of 
seventeen, graduating with the Hass of 1S71. He >i;lr(|iienily studied 
law at the Harvard Law School and graduated in ls7.~, with the degree 
of LL. B. He was a<lniitted to the liar in 1^7-r,. 

Mr. Lodge served two terms as member of the House of Representa- 
tives of the Massjirlni^ei is Legislature ami was afterward elected to the 
Fiftieth Congress, where he served in the House of Representatives four 
terms and until he was chosen to succeed Henry L. l>av\es in the Sen- 
ate. While in the House. Senator Lodg.- was a member of the Foreign 
AITairs Commit tee ami made a close st udy of t he foreign relations of the 
United States, with special reference to the diplomatic and consular ser- 
vice, and was a prominent figure in all debate* upon international ipies- 

Mr. Lodge has made literature his profe^j,,,,. :1 ,,d t her.- are few pub- 
lic men who have made more valuable cont i ibut ions to history and biog- 
raphy. He was I'lim-i-sity h'cturer on American history at Harvard 
College from 1S~C> to Is7!, for three years edited ihe North American 
Review, a i>d for two \ear< tilled t he same important function on the In- 
ternational Review. Among the historical and biographical works 
from his pen should be im-nt ion. d "Life and Letters of (ieorge Cabot.'' 
"A History of the Fnglish Colonies in America," biographies of Alex- 
ander Hamilton and Daniel W"lti r, which appealed in the American 
Statesman serie<: "Studies in Ilistm \ ," and a < arefullv edited edition of 
the "Works of Alexander Ilimiltoii." In addition. Mr. Lodge has 
edited a volume of prose tales and one of poems. His UH>-I re.-eiit liter- 
ary work is a history of the Spanish-American war. which appeared 
serially in a maga/ine before it was issued in bonk form. Few young 
members of the Senate have taken so important a part in the work of 
that body as Senator Lodge. At the expiration of his first term he was 
re-elected and his term of service will expire March :!. l!iO.~>. 



William E. Mason was born in the pine region of New York, in 
Franklinville, Cattaraugus County, on July 7, 1850. ( 'aitai-iugus is one 
of the western counties. Between it and Lake Erie lies the now famous 
county and lake of Chautauqua. That portion of the country is well 
fitted for the nurture of men strong of body and of mind. 

The elder Mason was somewhat of a leader, lit' was elected and re- 
elected as justice of the peace and was known widely as Squire Mason. 
By trade he was a wagon-maker. In those days there was an "'under- 
ground railway," and it w r as rumored that there was a station thereof in 
the loft of Squire Mason's wagon shop. The William I-:. Mason who 
has thrilled vast audiences by his pathetic pleas for Cuban, Philippine 
and Boer freedom and his fierce denunciation of slavery, was nurtured 
by his sire in the doctrines of universal emancipation. 

In 1858 the Mason family migrated westward and located at Ben- 
tonsport, on the Des Moines River, in Iowa. When younu .Mason was 
sixteen years of age he Avas teaching school at Bear Creek, Van Buren 
County. He says that his days during the winter of 1800 were spent in 
trying to force the lawless youth of Bear Creek to let him teach them, 
and his nights sitting beside the stove while his mother mended the 
clothes that the "young barbarians" had rent upon his body. In 1808 he 
went to Des Moines and there taught school under more favorable cir- 
cumstances. He was educated at the Bentonsport Academy and Birm- 
ingham College. Mr. Mason first read law with Thomas T. Wi throw, of 
Des Moines, who was a leader at the bar. He took an active part iii the 
election of 1870, speaking in. all the school houses of the county. In 
1872 he opened the Republican campaign in the court house at Des 
Moines, and cast his first vote for Grant in the same year. 

From this time the history of Mr. Mason is part of the history of 
Illinois. He went to Chicago in February, 1873, and lias pi-act iced law 
there ever since. Mr. Mason has ever been constant and energetic in 
support of Republican candidates after nominations have been made 
and has never been what is known as a "machine man." He was elected 
to the general assembly in 1879, to the State Senate in 1881 ; was elected 
to the Fiftieth and Fifty-first Congresses and defeated for the Fifty- 
second. Was elected to the United States Senate January 20, 1897, by a 
strict party vote. He took his seat March 4, 1897. His term of service 
will expire March 3, 1903. 



James McMillan, of Drtn.ii. was born in Hamilton, Ontario. May r_'. 
1838. He received \n- early education in tin- .mmon schools, ami \vas 
prepared for college in tin- preparatory school of Dr. Tassie, who had 
acquired a considerable reputation for lining youth to enter ih- Ini- 
versity at Toronto. At tin- at:*- of fourteen yean, iinlin- his inclina- 
tion tending more to business t lian to a p- <i: il career, he nave i he 

next four \rars to the ha nl \\aiv business, ami in !>.".." In- .aim- to Detroit 

where he entered the employ of the wholesale tmn of r.uhi \ Dm hanm-, 

a position he left at the end of two years io become th. purchasing agent 
of the Detroit and Milwaukee Railu ay ( 'ompain. 

In 18;:'. Mr. McMillan, with Messrs. .lolm S. \. \\l,. n\. 11. s. Dean 
and George Eaton, organized the Michigan < ar < 'oinpaii\. out of the 
success of this com pa n \ have come man \ burineM enterprise! in 
which Mr. McMillan has !>< n |,i , - nniu-nt l\ .u, .-essfnl. !! is also ia- 
t'-r.-sH'il in railroads ami o ( amlntats. When eh.i-d to tie- Si-nat.- he 
^ as I ' i. -si, 1, -in of the Miehi-an < ar < 'ompiinv. the Dnliii h, <onth Shore 
and Atlantic Kailn.a 1 rmnpatiy. and the Di-troit and < 'lev-land Steam 
Na \ i -at ion Company. 

In 1ST*; he uas a member of the Republican State < Vntral Coin in it tee 
and on the death of Zachariah ( handler was mad. chairman. In 1 *><;, 
1890, 1892 and 1MM, he \\a re-elected hairman. I-'or tin-.-,- years In- 
was l'resid-nt of tin- D.-i l!-ai d of I'ai k < 'omnii>sioners and for four 
years he was a im-mber of the Detroit Board of Kstimates. I |e was a 
Republican Presidential elector in 1884. He recei\i-d the unanimous 
nomination of the Republican members of the !. -i^lai n -e and v .is 

elected to the I'llitetj Si a t es Sena t e t o v||, , eed Thollia s \\"|I here) | Palmer 

and took his seat Mar. -h J. In 1 >!."> h- - elected. Mis term 

of service will expire March :;, i!oi. 

A I the capital of the Nation the reputation and character of Mr. Me- 
Millan had preceded hi-, credi-ntials as a Senator fiom Michi-an. and on 
being sworn into office for the tir-t time, he was at once uivn hi-h rank 
with the ablest members of the Tnited Slates Senate and assigned to 
some of the most important Senate Committees. As chairman of the 
Republican State Central Committee, the great executive abilit ies of Mr. 
McMillan have been el early shown in the management of party inter, -is 
and the victories won under his leadership. 




Senator William P. Frye, of Lewiston, Maine, vvns horn in the city 
which is still his home, September L\ 1831. lie is one of tin- coterie of 
sturdy Republican Senators of whom New Kiigland has -iv.-n so many 
to the service of the nation, men of strong intellect Mini lii^li learning 
who have been in the halls of Congress for many jean. 

In 1850, when he was nineteen years oll. Mr. l'i \ uradnnte.l from 
P.owdoin College, and at once em. -r-d upon tin- study of law. be^innim: 
practice in his profession as soon as he had been admitted to tin- lur. 
He was a in fin In -r of ihr Si a i<- Le^islat un- in l^r.l, 1 Mil' and lM',7. Pnb- 
lie Office came to him rapidly, for in l>r,r, and 1><;7 he was mayor of the 
city of Lewiston, and in 18G7, 18CJS and !>;'. wrai at iorn-\ -.-m-ral of tin- 
State of Maine. To all of these oflices he \\as el.-, i.-d ;i-s n llcjnildican. 

His record in the organization of his\ was etpially consiant. 
He was a Presidential .-lector in IM;I, ; md a d.-l.--ate lo the K.-pnhlican 
Nsitional Conventions of 1872, 187! and 1880. In all that period lie 
was the member from Maim- of the Kepnldicaii National l-]\ecnti\.- 
Committee. In ISM he was .-l.-o.-.l chairman of the Kepnldi<-an State 
Committee of Maine in place of the Hon. .lames < J. Pdaine, who resi-ned. 
Mr. Frye also \\ as .-li-cn-d a t nisi.-.. ,,| |;,,\\ doin < 'oil. - in INMI. r.-n-i \--d 
the degree of Doctor of Laws from llat.-s r. .||.--.- in IVM. and t he same 
decree from his own Alma Mater in l^n. 

Mr. Fr\- was elected a Representative in die l'..i ly-.-. ond Congress, 
and, re-elected five times, sen*ed for i \\. -I \-- years in that seat, lie \\a^ 
elected t< the Tinted States S.-tiat.- as a Kepnldican to (ill the vacancy 
eausfMl ly t! .nation of Mr. Pdain.-, who liecann- Secretary of State 

in President (lartield's caliim-t, and took his s.-.-n Mai-ch 1 s . 1> S 1. 
S.-r\ in- this short term to its conclusion, lie was re-elected in 1 883, 1 svv 
and 1895, in the latter election receiving e\.-i\ \ with one exception. 
in both branches of die Legislature. II.- was elected President pro-tem- 
I>ore of die Senate I-Ybriiary 7, 1896, and on the death of Vice-president 
Iloliart became the presiding officer on whom the duty most constantly 
fell. He was a member of the commission which met in Paris in Sep- 
tember, 1898, to adjust terms of peace between the I nited States and 
Spain. His term of service will expire Mareh :{, 11)01. 



The NVw England States are small u ( -".ui aphically in comparison 
with the newer States of the Mississippi valley and tin- West. Inn they 
fill an important place in the national liii"i-\ of our country and they 
contribute men of dignity, worth ;in<l eminence to tin- national councils. 
Vermont with its "GreenMountain r,..\V shared in the hardot tiuhtini: 
of tin- Revolution, ami ever since tin Stair lias been energetic iii its 

Onr of thr worthiest examples of Vermont < iti/,enship, ami conse- 
quently of . \mrrirau citizenship, is thr Honorable Redtield I'roctor. 
1'nited Stairs Senator. It is an evidence of hi own and his famih's 
standing in thr State to notirr that hr was horn at I'rortorsvillr, Ver- 
mont, .June 1, 1 *.".!, and that thr town where he now live- i- .ailed 
rroetor. He ^aiiKM] his edmation in thr town >-hoo|. and in hart 
month Collr^e. from whirh hr ^radnatrd. and thru rhoosin^ the profes- 
sion of law for his rarrer hr eoni|lrted hi> scholastic stndirs at thr 
Albany Law School. I >ui iii- t hr NYar of t hr Krltrllion he was active in 
hi> country's service. Me was lieutenant and quartermaster of the 
Third Ilr^hnent of \Yrmont Volunteers on the stall of Major-general 
William F. rlJaldy") Smith, and was major of the Fifth and colonrl of 
the Fifteenth Vermont Ke-inn -nts. 

AltoT the WET Colonel I'l-octoi- entered |.olitisasa Kepnldican. M- 
was a mrmlirr of thr Vermont Mouse of llrpi -rsent at i\ e- in }^\1. isliS 
and IS>N. \\a> a mriuhn- of thr Stair Senate and 1'resident pro tempoi-e 
of that body in ls~l ami 1>~.\ \\as Lieutenant Governor of N'rrmont 
from 1ST: to L878, and Hoxrrnor from |>7^ to 1 wn. A- was natural to 
br rxprclrd, a citix.rii so honored iii his own State soon became promi- 
nent in national affairs. Mr was a drle^ate to thr Kepnblican National 
Convention of Issj. and chairman of the X'ermont delegation in thr 
same conveiiiions .if ISSS and 1MH'.. When President Harrison formed 
his cabinet at the be^innini; >f his administration in March. lss!>, Mr. 
Pnictor uas made Secretary of War. In No'.'ember, 1MM, he resigned 
from the cabinet to accept the appointment as Tinted State- Senator 
to succeed QeOTge l'\ I'Mmnnds, and October 1 >. 1 >!*_'. was elected by 
the N'ermont Legislature to till both the nnexpired and the full terms, 
lie-elected a^ain in 1S!M>, his term \\ill expire in I!MI."i. Senator I'l-octor 
is a consistent and earnest Republican, who stands hi.uh in influence in 
his party and in the Senate. 



Kit-hard Yates, tin- Republican candidate for (iovernor of Illinois, 
born in Jacksonville, in that State, mi December li\ l>;o. His 
father was Kichard ^ ate>. the famous \\-.\\- <i<. \.-rnor of Illinois, 
unfaltering adherence to tin* cause of tin* I'nion is a matter of pride to 
all the Citizens of his State. Kichard Vaie>. Jr.. was educated .it Whip 
pie Academy and at Illinois College. boil, of which are at Ja< -kson\ ille. 
William J. Mr van was also a student in both of these institutions at the 
*ame time with Mr. Vatt ,. though the latter graduated from college in 
1880 one \ear befur.- M i. I'rxan. lli> unl-i--raduate da\^ OMT. he 
b.'-.-in nc\\->j,a|H-r \\-oi-k, and for a time was citv editoi ..f tin- .laeks..n- 
ville Daily Journal. He left that pajM-r !<. <nidv law at tin- Tnixei-sitv 
of Miehi^an, but after two \,.n> rai <.mprlled to |,M\.- Ann Arlmr mi 
account of lack of funds. After two yean xjient in newspaper 
work he resumed his law ...UIM'. and graduated i'i l ss l. 

Keturnin^ to .la K-'iiville, iie be^an the practice of his prof.-sMun. 
and at once took an active interest in politics. In !>>." he was Heeled 
city attorney, and by re-eleetions mit imie,| in that ofliee until ls!l. In 
the following year tin- Kepnblieans nominated him for eon^ressman-at- 

lai'-e, but lie \\ . .lied with the !'e>t .if Ml.- li. '..-I. '\\\ \eai'S later 

he was elected county jud^e of Mur^an eminty. although that county 
usually i:oev I >eino( rat ic. Mr. Vate> \\ . nui- supporter of Mr. 

McKinley in the Presidential campaii;n of l^'.Mi, and in the .June follow- 
ing the beuinninu of th-- present administration he was appointed col- 
lector of internal revenue for the Kiuhth District of Illinois. -lud^e 
Vates is a member of the Methodist Kpi^-opal church and a teacher in 
i he Sunday school at Jacksonville. lie has taken an active part in 
church affairs, and served a^ a delegate to the general conference which 
was held in Chicago in I'.MM). He left the conference to attend the 
IVoria convention, which nominated him. but returned at the earliest 
moment possible. (Mi his first reappearance at the Auditorium, he was 
ived with ureat enthusiasm and hailed as the future (Jovernor of 
Illinois. On October L:i, isss, he married Miss Nellie \Vads\vorth. who 
hail been a student with him at Illinois College. They have two 




Si-nator Hawley of Connecticut offers the unusual example of a 
statesman of the North who, by birth, was a Southerner. Joseph Ros- 
well Ilawley of Hartford was born at Stewartsville, Richmond County, 
North Carolina, October 31, 1M.V.. At the age of twenty-one years he 
.graduated from BamiltOD College, New York, and three years later, in 
1850, he was admitted to the bar at Hartford, where lit- has resided 
ever shire. 

Mr. Hawley practiced his profession for six and a half years, and 
then entered the field of journalism by becoming editor of the Hartford 
Kvenin** Press in February. is.'.T. April 1.".. lsi;i. .Mr. Ilawley enlisted 
in the Union army a8 a lieutenant. Serving with gallant ry through the 
war, he rose rank by rank through racCCMdTC |roiuotions for merit until 
he reached the rank of brigadier-general and bn-vei major-general. He 
wa not mustered out of the service until .Fanuarx 1~>, ISM;. 

In April, lsi;r,, General llaxxhv \\a< elected Governor of Connecti- 
cut. His j)olitical rewards and his public jmsitions of distinction have 
been conspicuous ever since that time. In ls;7 the Evening Pi-ess was 
^consolidated with the Hartford Co u rant, of which he became editor. 
General Hawley was a delegate to the Free Soil National Convention 
of 1N.M.', was chairman of the Republican National Convention of lsi;s, 
and a Presidential elector in the same year. He was also a delegate to 
the Republican National Conventions of isT'J. I sir, and 1^0. 

One of the most noteworthy periods in the busy career of Senator 
Ilawley was that which saw the celebration of the one hundredth anni- 
versary of American independence. He was president of the I'nited 
States Centennial Commission from i's organization in March, IsT.'i, to 
t he completion of the work of the Centennial Exposition of INTO in Phil- 
adelphia. Senator Ilawley is a trustee of Hamilton College. lie has 
received the de^re.- of Doctor of Laws from that institution, from Yale 
University and from Trinity Coll- 
In November. 1ST-, he was elected a Representative in the Forty- 
secoud Congress to till a vacancy caused by the death of S. L. Strong. 
He was re-elected to the Forty-third Congress and a.^aiu elected to the 
Forty-sixth Congress, lie was elected to the United States Senate as 
a Republican to succeed William W. Eaton, Democrat, taking his seal 
March I, issl. He was re-elected in 1SS7, 1893 and lsi'., his term 
therefore expiring in IJMir.. 



Henry M. Teller, of Central City, ('(dorado, was bom in the town of 
Granger, Allegany County, New York, May 23, 1S30. His ancestors came 
from Holland and were among tin- early settlers of New York Slate. His 
father was a farmer in comfortable circumstances and gave him a good 
education, first in the common schools, then in Itushl'ord Academy and 
Alfred University. He taught school for several years prior to his study 
of the law. He was admitted to the bar at Binghamton, New York. In 
January, 1858, he removed to Illinois and practiced law there until April, 
1861, when he removed to Central City, Colorado. 

His ability as a lawyer soon gained him prominence. In politics he 
affiliated with the Republicans, but declined to become a candidate for 
office until the admission of Colorado to the Union in 1876. He was one 
of the two Senators elected to represent the Centennial State and in the 
drawing to determine which should hold the full term he received the 
term ending March 3, 1877. He was re-elected December 11 for the full 
term, and served until April 17, 1882, when he resigned to accept the 
appointment of Secretary of the Interior in the Cabinet of President 
Arthur. On March 3, 1885, he retired from the Cabinet and on the fol- 
lowing day took his se;it in the Senate, having been elected to succeed 
Nathaniel P. Hill. In 1891 he was re elected without opposition. 

Senator Teller always has been reckoned as one of the strong men of 
the Republican party, who could be depended upon to offer his best en- 
ergies in support of protection and the other leading tenets of the party, 
national or international. He has been recognized as one of the ablest 
authorities on all questions referring to the public lands, which were 
matters of great importance during the settlement of the 'NVest 

In June, 1806, he took the radical step which separated him from his 
party on the leading question of the day. lie was a delegate to the Re- 
publican National Convention at St. Louis and was recogni/ed as the 
leader of the bi-metallists in that convention. Unwilling to accept the 
financial plank of the platform there adopted, he withdrew from the con- 
vention, leading the famous "bolt/' Six months later lie was re-elected 
to the Senate as an Independent Silver Republican, receiving ninety- 
four votes out of a total of one hundred in the State Legislature of Colo- 
rado. His term of service will expire March 3, 1903. Senator Teller is 
recognized as one of the ablest advocates of silver in the currency con- 



William Morris Stewart, of Carson City, \v;is horn in Lyons, Wayne 
county, N. Y., August !>, 1S27. When he was a small child he removed 
with his parents to Trnmhnll county, Ohio. His education was exceed- 
ingly limited until he was ahont seventeen years of age, when, having 
saved money enough to attend school, he entered Farmington Academy. 

He subsequently returned to his native State, where he taught school, 
at the same time prosecuting his studies. In is is he entered Vale Col- 
lege, where he remained two years, when, attracted by the gold dis- 
coveries in California, he went to San Francisco, arriving there in May, 
1850. He immediately engaged in mining with pick and shovel in Nevada 
county, and in this way accumulated money with which he In-gan tin- 
study of law. He was admitted to the bar in the fall of 1852 and tin- 
same day was appointed district attorney, to which otlice he was elected 
at the general election of the next year. In 1S.">I he was appointed 
attorney-general of California. He removed to Virginia City, Nevada, in 
1860, where he was largely enuaucd in early mining litigation and in the 
development of the Comstock lode. 

In 18(53, when Nevada was admitted to the Fnion. he was one of her 
leading citizens, and became her lirst ("nited States Senator, taking his 
seat February 11, 1865. He was elected in 1SU!) and on the expiration of 
his term of service in 1875 he resumed the practice of law in Nevada, 
California, and the 1'acitic coast generally, and was thus engaged when 
elected to the United States Senate, as a Kepuhlican. in issT, to succeed 
James (I. Fair, Democrat, lie was re-elected in 1>'.:!. 

Mr. Stewart is a familiar figure in public affairs. Though rendering 
admirable service to the country in the reconstruction period and in 
framing our national mining laws, he is most widely known as the chief 
leader in the Senate of the movement for the free coinage of silver. 
In this movement lie is one of the familiar and picturesque figures well 
known to every visitor in the Senate. In the political history of the 
United States his name will be associated with those western pioneers 
who settled the great states of the Pacific coast, built their railways, 
made fortunes out of their mines and developed their latent wealth. 



Frederick T. Dubois is a native of Illinois, having been boru in Craw- 
ford county, May 29, 1851. llis father was Jesse K. Dubois, a well- 
known character in the State, familiarly called "Tiide Jesse," and a 
Warm friend of President Lincoln. After a public school education at 
Springfield, young Dubois entered Yale College in 1868 and graduated 
with the class of 1872. He clerked for a time with J. V. Farwell in 
Chicago and then entered the State Auditor's office at Springfield. lie 
soon became secretary of tin- Hoard of Kail way ami Warehouse Commis- 
sioners in Illinois and hade fair to become an influential politician. 

On account of ill health he started for Idaho, taking a herd of rattle 
to Cheyenne. He began business as a merchant at Blackfoot in 1880. 
President Arthur made him marshal of Idaho in August, 1882, and he 
served till September 1, 1886. Hy his uncompromising tight on the Mor- 
mons he got a start in politics and was elected a delegate to the Fiftieth 
Congress as a Republican. Ho was re-elected by an increased majority 
in 1888, and' in September, 1890, was named as the first eongressman 
from the new State ly a majority nf over 2,000. 

The young statesman did not have long to serve in the National 
House of Representatives. The Legislature of the new State of Idaho 
met to choose United States Senators and the election, which was a 
warmly contested one, resulted in the ultimate choice of four men for 
that honor. One, Mr. Shoup. was selected for a vacancy extending only 
three months. Mr. McConnell got the regular short term to last tw- 
years, and Senator Dubois, youngest of all, was the lucky man to get the 
long term of six years, extending from March 1. isMl, to March 4, 1897. 
Of course all this was the result of compromise and a combination of 
the supporters of the three, who were all Republicans. The Democrats 
and the disaffected Republicans bolted the Dubois nomination and 
elected Judge William Clagett TO contest the same seat. The Fulled 
States Senate decided the contest by seatin- Mr. Dubois. and the hard 
fight was ended for the time. 

Before the expiration of Senator Dubois' term, the Populist party 
had become a power to be reckoned with in Idaho, and the State Legis- 
lature elected Mr. Heitf'eld to succeed Mr. Dubois. The latter, however, 
although a Republican, is one of the most active supporters of the silver 
principles of the Populists and Democrats. 





Theodore Roosevelt was born in New York City October 27, 1858. 
He was graduated at Harvard College in 1880. The year after gradua- 
tion he was elected a member of the New York Assembly and was re- 
elected three times. In 188G he was nominated by the Republicans of 
New York City for mayor. In 1889 President Harrison appointed him 
a member of the United States Civil Service Commission, an office which 
he continued to hold until 1895, when he was appointed by Mayor 
Strong of New York President of the Police Board of New York City. 
While still at the head of the Police Board he was selected by President 
McKinley to be assistant Secretary of the Navy and he occupied that 
office when the w r ar with Spain broke out. At the beginning of the 
war with Spain he organized the First Regiment United States Volun- 
teer Cavalry, known as the "Rough Riders," and was appointed its 
lieutenant colonel. He was placed in command of the regiment on the 
promotion of Colonel Wood to a brigadier generalcy and led his regi- 
ment at the battle of San Juan Hill. Soon after his return to the United 
States at the close of the war with Spain he was nominated for gov- 
ernor by the Republicans of New York and he was elected governor 
November G, 1898. This office he still holds. 

No briefer or more concise statement of the record of the Republican 
candidate for Vice-President can be made than this. Although only 
forty-two years of age his life has been one of achievement far in excess 
of most men of his time. From the day he arrived at manhood until 
now he has been engaged almost continuously in the public service; but 
no adequate idea of the work he has done can be gained from a mere 
recital of the public offices he has held. He has never known what it 
meant to have an idle moment. Every place he has occupied has been 
a place for duty and endeavor and when he has not been engaged in 
the public service he has labored with equal earnestness and singleness 
of purpose for ends which he believed to be of moment. In all this time 
there has hardly been a year that has not seen the publication of a book 



from his pen, while the articles in current periodicals which he has writ- 
ten on timely topics have been almost without number. He has written 
of the United States navy, of the winning of the west, of critical mo- 
ments in American history, of the lives of American statesmen, of politi- 
cal and social problems of almost every topic which touches the life of 
an active American public man. His literary work alone has given him 
a reputation and a place with which almost any other man would be 
satisfied to rest. A mere recital of the books he has published is in itself 
a monument to his industry and ability. His works include "Hunting 
Trips of a Ranchman," "Ranch Life and the Hunting Trail," "The Wil- 
derness Hunter," "The Winning of the West," "The Naval War of 1S12," 
"Life of Thomas II. Benton," "Life of (iouverneur Morris," "Life and 
Times of Oliver Cromwell," "Essays on Practical Politics," "History of 
the City of New York," "American Political Ideals," and "The Rough 
Riders." He collaborated with Captain A. T. Mahan in writing "The 
Imperial History of the British Navy," and he is the joint author with 
Henry Cabot Lodge of "Hero Talcs from American History." 

Roosevelt has cut out for himself four distinct careers, each success- 
ful: One as a literary man, another as a ranchman and hunter, the third 
as a soldier, and finally as a leader in politics which embraces all the 
rest. It is with his political career that this sketch has to do. 

In politics Theodore Roosevelt has become the idol of the young- 
men of America. "There is not a young man in these United States 
who has not found in your life and influence an incentive to bet lei- 
things," was Senator Wolcott's expression in notifying him of his nom- 
ination for Vice-Ppesident. And it is this more than anyihinjr else that 
gives Roosevelt his amazing hold upon the imagination and affection of 
the Republican masses everywhere. 

With all his achievements in politics he has been indifferent to his 
own personal political advancement. He lias never sought the "blue rib- 
bon" of public office; hasneverlooked for title or for ornamental position. 
He has done whatever came in the way to do and done it with a zeal an 
honesty, a fearlessness and a desire for the public good that even'liis 
political opponents and critics have been forced to acknowledge ami 
respect. He has never held a public oilier in which his greatest success,.* 
were not won in the face of warnings and predictions bv his disinter- 
ested friends that he was surely destroying all prospects of politic-.! 
advancement, but he has never permitted himself to be influenced bv 


considerations of this kind and has never wavered in his course. Not 
many years ago when he was a member of the Civil Service Commission 
in Washington striking blows which fell sometimes with crushing force 
upon those to whom he would naturally have looked for political ad- 
vancement, he wrote to a personal friend a letter which is perhaps as 
accurate an expression of the principles by which his public career has 
been guided as can be found. It is an unconscious revelation of the 
character of the man and is worth giving here. He wrote: 

"If a man has political foresight who lives in a district where the 
people think as he does and where he has a great hold over them, then 
he can seriously go in for a continuous public career, and I suppose in 
such a case it is all right for him to shape his public course more or less 
with a view to his own continuance in office. I am a little inclined to 
envy a man who can look forward to a long and steady course of public 
service; but in my own case such a career is out of the question; and 
personally it seems to me that a man's comfort and usefulness in public- 
life are greatly impaired the moment he begins to get worrying about 
how his votes and actions will affect his own future. When I was in 
the legislature I soon found that for my own happiness as well as for 
the sake of doing good work I had to cast aside all thoughts of my own 
future; and as soon as I had made up my mind to this and voted simply 
as I thought right not only disregarding politicians but even disregard- 
ing people themselves, if I honestly thought them all wrong on a mat- 
ter of principle, not of mere expediency, then I began thoroughly to 
enjoy myself and to feel that I Avas doing good. It is just the same way 
with my present work as Civil Service Commissioner. I believe in it 
Avith all my heart and am absolutely certain that I could not possibly 
be engaged in any other work at the present moment more vitally im- 
portant to the public welfare; and I literally do not care a rap what 
politicians say of me, in or out of Congress, save in so far as my actions 
may help or hurt the cause for which I am AA^orking. My hands are for- 
tunately perfectly free, for I have not the slightest concern about my 
political future. Mj 7 career is that of a literary man, and as soon as I 
am out of my present position I shall go back to my books. I may not 
ever be called to take another public position, or I may be; in any event, 
I shall try to do decent work while I am in office. I shall probably enjoy 
the life greatly Avhile I am taking part in it, and I shall certainly be 
ready at any time to go out of it with a perfectly light heart." 


It is ihe zeal of combat that appeals to Roosevelt and not always 
the joy of success. While he was penning this letter a new field of duly 
was already opening up befoi him upon which lie was to le confronted 
with even more nnpropit ions conditions and with the necessity for per- 
forming acts which must have seemed to him at the time to be utterly 
destructive of any hope he may have entertained for a political future. 
As Civil Service Commissioner he had devoted himself to i he work of 
enforcing ri.uoioiisly and honestly a law which was not over popular 
with the public men with whom lie was thrown daily in contact. It was 
a continual li^hl for years and he succeeded in establishing for the Com- 
mission of which he was the mosi ^ive member a position and a 
respect which it had never had In-fore. Hut I he work to which he was 
I lien called by Mayor Strong as president of ihe Police Commission of 
the City of New York was an even higher test of his quality of honest 
courage. No man ever undertook a more unpopular task and no man 
ever carried a difficult work through to completion with less regard for 
expediency or for his own comfort, lie was attacked and vilified, his 
motives were niisconst rued, hi* wisdom was questioned, but lie never 
flinched. lie was there to enforce the law, and he enforced it to the 
best of his ability. The police force of the City of New York when In- 
n-tired from his ollice was belter or.nani/ed, better disciplined, more 
effective and more deserving of the confidence of the public for the 
protection of which it was cn-ated, than ever befor-- or since. Hut it 
would have been hard to find any man at all familiar with politics who 
did not believe thai Roosevelt's political career was at an end, and few 
men could have been found whose chances for election to public office 
seemed worse than his. I'ut this was only the be^i lining of higher 

( hie of i he earliesl a els of President McKinley was to make Theodore 
Roosevelt Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Roosevelt took this place 
1 "cause from boyhood he had been deeply interested in naval affairs 
a '1 because he saw here an opportunity to participate in the creation 
of the new navy which is becoming more and more an object of Ameri- 
can pride. It was a subordinate position, but from the time lie first 
entered polities Roosevelt has never shrunk from subordinate place. 
Me has accepted cheerfully and earnestly such responsibilities as have 
come to him without regard to whether he was to have the chief place 
of honor or not. It happened that his appointment as Assistant Secre- 


tary of the Navy came at a momentous time. He had hardly been sworn 
into office before the troubles in Cuba assumed a phase which made it 
seem impossible for the United States to avoid hostilities with Spain. 
Roosevelt was farseeing enough to appreciate what this meant. He 
saw that a war with Spain, if it should come, would be a naval war and 
he devoted all his energies to bringing the naval establishment to a state 
of complete preparation. For one thing he secured large appropriations 
to be expended in shot and shell for target practice. It was due in no 
small degree to this that when war finally broke out the American gun- 
ner stood revealed as the most accurate and destructive marksman in 
the world. He hastened in every conceivable w r ay the work of construc- 
tion and repair. He provided for the severest tests of the endurance and 
fighting qualities of ships. He kept the department alive to the neces- 
sity of having ample stores and ammunition constantly on hand in the 
right places. All this was in the way of regular routine. Then came 
the blowing up of the Maine. Roosevelt knew on the instant that this 
tragedy must have only one result. He redoubled his exertions. He 
gave orders for preparing the navy which involved expense and labor 
that a timid official would never have dared to authorize. He accepted 
responsibility without hesitation. He over-rode technicalities. He ig- 
nored finespun theories of official precedence and naval etiquette with 
the result that when war finally broke out the United States had in its 
navy the most effective fighting machine the world has ever seen. 

More than this, Roosevelt looked ahead and saw with true military 
genius where the first blow would have to be struck. Within ten days 
after the destruction of the Maine, while manj^ were still confident that 
war would be avoided he sent a dispatch to Commodore Dewey, in com- 
mand of the Asiatic squadron, upon Avhich great results were destined 
to hang. It was dated Washington, Feb. 25, 1898, and read as follows: 

"Dewey, Hongkong: 

"Secret and confidential. Order the squadron, except Monocacy, 
to Hongkong. Keep full of coal. In the event of declaration of war 
with Spain, your duty will be to see that the Spanish squadron does 
not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive operations in Philippine 
Islands. Keep Olvmpia until further orders. 


It was so up to the time war was declared, and then Roosevelt took 
a step which everybody except himself believed to be a mistake. He re- 


signed his place as assistant secretary of the navy in order to jjo out 
on the iijU'htiiijLr line as a volunteer soldier. The President, the Secretary 
of the Navy, all his closest friends Itemed him to stay where he was. 
They assured him that his opportunities for distinction were Creator in 
the place lie held than in any position he nii^lit secure in act ive service. 
They pointed out that it was to he a naval, not a land war, and that he 
was throwing away as tine an opportunity as any man ever had. But 
Roosevelt had made up his mind that his place was at the front and 
nothing could budjje him. He had believed that war was inevitable. 
Jle had nr^ed it as a matter of national honor while others held back, 
and he felt that tin- least he could do would be to ^et out on the firing 
line. With Leonard Wood he recruited the Kmi^li Rider regiment, and 
when he was offered the place of colonel he declined it in favor of his 
friend because he knew his own lack of military experience. He ac- 
cepted the second place in the regiment, and it was due to his untiring 
zeal and impetuosity that this command of volunteer soldiers was fully 
armed and equipped and ready to ^o to the front with the very lirst 
detachment of troops that landed on Cuban soil. What the Koii.uh 
Riders did on San Juan Hill is a matter of recent history which need 
not be recited here. The hardships Roosevelt underwent, the devotion 
he showed to his men, the courage he displayed in action, are best at- 
tested by the devotion the men he commanded now show him. 

He was nominated f-.r jiovernor of Xe\v York because the Republi- 
cans of the State would not listen to the surest ion of any other candi- 
date. He was elected after one of the havdes.t and most brilliant of 
political campaigns, in which he took the lead from the be^innin.u; and 
fought ceaselessly day and ni.uht. He has made a record as governor 
which would have insured his renomination and re-election and which 
has been marked by honesty of purpose, unflinching courage and ad- 
ministrative ability. He was nominated for Vice-President against his 
own will because this was the unanimous demand of the parly. 

Governor Roosevelt lives at Oyster P>ay, Lou*; Island, where he has 
an unassuming house near the sea, tilled with books and hunting tro- 
phies typical of the man. In 1886 he married Miss 1'Mith Kermir ('avow 
and they have six children, Theodore, Ethel, Kermit, Alice, Archibald, 
and Quentin. The youngest of them was born soon after the outbreak 
of the war with Spain. 



In 1896 the Republican party pledged itself to restore prosperity to 
the country by re-enacting protection legislation and clearly and ex- 
plicitly establishing the gold standard. The pledge was regarded as ex- 
traordinary and beyond the power of redemption by one administration, 
but it has been fully achieved by the present administration. The Demo- 
cratic party had been in full power for four years and had had its first 
opportunity to impress its policies and doctrines on the government since 
the beginning of the Civil war. Its management of public affairs and its 
legislation had been followed by the greatest and most appalling period 
of depression known in this country. From great and universal pros- 
perity in 1892 the Democratic party had plunged the country into un- 
paralleled depression and suffering. The soup house was the most con- 
spicuous institution in our cities and the tramp the most common object 
in the country. There was panic and suffering in every branch of busi- 
ness and every class of people. The present Republican administration 
has been associated with the return of prosperity, and it claims to have 
had an important part in the changed conditions of business and labor. 
It claims to have redeemed its pledge. Confidence began to return to the 
people immediately after the election of McKinley. The President had 
no sooner been inaugurated than he called an extraordinary session of 
the new Republican Congress, and on March 15, 1897, that Congress met 
and in less than a fortnight the House had passed the Dingley tariff law. 
The Senate without a Republican majority passed the bill in July, and 
the first part of the Republican pledge was redeemed. It brought with it 
prosperity as well as protection to American industry. It changed the 
balance of trade in favor of this country and gave to our people the 
largest share of foreign markets, which had been the dream of free 
traders, they had ever enjoyed. 

The administration has succeeded in doing with a protective tariff 
and the gold standard everything which the Democrats aspired to do with 
free trade and free silver coinage. It increased in circulation 
from |1,500,000,000 at the end of the third year of the Cleveland adrninis- 



tration to 2,000,000,000 at the close of the third year of the M.Kiuley 

administration It increased the per capita of circulation from *-!. .V, 
under Cleveland to ^2(1.12 under McKinley. It increased the gold circu- 
lation from $490,000,000 to s7Si;,o<lO,0(M), and it increased the circulation 
of silver by S7.\i)l 10,000. It increased our exports and decreased our 
imports, giving tliis country a difference of trade in its favor amounting 
to >852,000,000 in three years. During the tirst years of the Cleve- 
land administration our excess of exports over imports was *<>7'.),000,000. 
During the first three years of the .McKinley administration this excess 
of exports over imports amounted to SI,. ">:>!, 000,000. The measure of the 
administration' -s in helping skilled labor to find markets for its 

work is shown by the increase in our exports of manufactures which 
jumped from sr>;s, 0(10, ()(!() in the tirst three years of the Cleveland ad- 
ministration In S!> ( .)S,()(I(),()(UI in the tirst three years of the .McKinley 
administration, an average gain of si i^iMMUKlll a year. 

This administration ;ilso took up the work of the immortal Lincoln, 
and when the Spanish oppressor in Cuba became intolerable, it went to 
war in t lie cause of humanity, and in t wo hemispheres within !M) days de- 
stroyed ;he entire Spanish navy and accepted the surrender of the 
Spanish armies, and added millions of sijiiare miles to our territory. In 
business management, in war and in diplomacy, the administration of 
.McKinley has taken its place with the greatest administrations in 
American history. 

When William .McKinley inaugurated President of the Knifed 
States on March 4, I Si) 7, he sounded the keynote of his administration 
by saying: "The besi way fora government to maintain its credit is io 
pay as it goes not by res. .r: ing to loans but by keeping out of debt- 
through an adequate income secured by a system of taxation, external 
or internal, or both. It is t he set tied policy of the government, pursued 
from the beginning and fostered by all parties and administrations, to 
raise the bulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions en- 
tering the Tinted States for sale and consumption, and avoiding, for 
the most part, every form of direct taxation, except in time of war." 
This has be.en the motto of the McKinley administ rat ion and it has been 
followed in letter and in spirit from the beginning to the dose. 

President McKinley in his inaugural address called attention to the 
depression of the four preceding years, not in partisan criticism, but 


as pointing the patriotic course for the Congress which had come into 
power with him. He said: 

"The depression of the past four years has fallen with especial 
severity upon that great body of toilers of the country, and upon none 
more than the holders of small farms. Agriculture has languished and 
labor suffered. The revival of manufacturing will be a relief to both. 
No portion of our population is more devoted to the institutions of free 
government nor more loyal in their support, while none bears more cheer- 
fully or fully its proper share in the maintenance of the government 
or is better entitled to its wise and liberal care and protection. Legis- 
lation helpful to producers is beneficial to all. The depressed condition 
of industry on the farm and in the mine and factory has lessened the 
ability of the people to meet the demands upon them, and they right- 
fully expect that not only a system of revenue shall be established that 
will secure the largest income with the least burden but that every 
means will be taken to decrease, rather than increase, our public ex- 
penditures. Business conditions are not the most promising. It will, 
take time to restore the prosperity of former years. If we cannot 
promptly attain it, we can resolutely turn our faces in that direction and 
aid its return by friendly legislation. However troublesome the situa- 
tion may appear, Congress will not, I am sure, be found lacking in dispo- 
sition or ability to relieve it as far as legislation can do so. The restora- 
tion of confidence and the revival of business, which men of all parties 
so much desire, depend more largely upon the prompt, energetic, and in- 
telligent action of Congress than upon any other single agency affecting 
the situation." He further said: 

"The condition of the public treasury, as has been indicated, de- 
mands the immediate consideration of Congress. It alone has the power 
to provide revenues for the government. Not to convene it under such 
circumstances I can view in no other sense than the neglect of a plain 
duty. I do not sympathise with the sentiment that Congress in session 
is dangerous to our general business interests. Its members are the 
agents of the people, and their presence at the seat of government in the 
execution of the sovereign will should not operate as an injury, but a 

It would be difficult to find in the history of the government an ad- 
ministration that had so carefully marked out its policy in the beginning 
and adhered to it with happier results. 


Two days after his inauguration, on March ', President McKinley 
issued a proclamation calling the 55th Congress to inert in extraor- 
dinary session on March 15. In his short message to that Congress the 
President gave his reasons and recommendations in plain terms. For 
the fiscal year of IslrJ the revenues from all sources had IM-I-II *\'2~>. ^'.^.- 
2C0.22, and the expenditures S1K . leaving an excess of re- 

ceipts over expenditures of x'.i.'.Mk l.~>:'. '><'>. During that year xio,570.- 
4IJ7.MS were ]aid for the public debt which had been re.luced since 
March 1, 1889, s2.Y.u>7;,M)0, and the annual interest charge decreased 

In the fiscal year of 1893, the lirst of the Cleveland administration, 
the excess of receipts over expenditures was x2,.". U.K7 l.2;>, ami in each 
of the three years that followed the expenditures wer- greater than the 

In 1894 the deli. -it was sr,!i.M>;VJi;ti.;,v ; j u February, 1MM, $50,000,- 
OOO'in bonds were issued and in November following a second issue of 
$50,000,000 in bonds was deemed necessary and in February, l^'.i.", a 
third sale of sdl'.: 11. ".,(( Ml in bonds was announced to Congress. In lsM."> 
the <leticit amounted to . and a further loan of $100,000,000 

was negotiated in Februar;., l^'.n;, ami tin- deficit for that year was $25,- 
203,245.70. In three years of a Democratic administration the excess of 
expenditures over receipts had amounted to xi:;7,M l,7i. M .. Hi. These were 
the n-asons uiven by President McKinlev for calling an extra session of 
Congress to enact a new tariff law. 

The Republican < 'oii.uivss took hold of the work before it with ener-y 
and in fourteen days the House had passed the Dingley bill, which 
passed the Senate and was approved by the President on July L* 1 of the 
same year. 

The work of regeneration began at once. Industry revived, prices of 
farm products advanced and prosperity resumed its sway over the land. 
It was not a spasmodic revival, but has continued throughout the Mc- 
Kinlev administration to make good the Republican claim that William 
McKinlev was in isiHJ "the advance agent of prosperity." 

The Dingley tariff became a law July 24, 1S<)7. ruder its operation 
ample revenues have been provided, as urged by President McKinlev. 
During the period of thirty-two months the law has h< en in force, July 
24, ls>7, to April 1, 1000, the receipts of the government from all 
sources, exclusive ot Pacific Railroad items, were $1,224,320,008. De- 


ducting from these receipts the Treasury Department's estimate of col- 
lections under the War Revenue Act, amounting to $183,708,538, there 
were net receipts of $1,040,618,070. The expenditures for the same 
period aggregated $1,366,663,400, and deducting the Treasury Depart- 
ment's estimate of war expenditures of $372,000,000, the net expendi- 
tures for the period stand at |994,663,406, leaving for the thirty-two 
months' operation of the Dingley tariff an excess of net receipts over 
net expenditures of $45,954,664. 

The present administration had not the opportunity to take up and 
make good the other great pledges of the party immediately after 
restoring prosperity through the enactment of a wise protection tariff 
law. This administration inherited from the Cleveland administration 
the Cuban question, made more aggravating by reason of the temerity 
of the former President in not taking hold of it with vigor. Not only did 
Spain continue her policy of subjugation by concentration and starva- 
tion in Cuba, but her officials were indifferent to the demands of the 
United States that peace should be restored in the island, and also indif- 
ferent to the demand that American citizens in Cuban prisons should be 
released. It was a question that could not be ignored, and President 
McKinley began an investigation by sending a special commission to 
Cuba in the summer of 1897. Within six months every American in a 
Cuban prison was released and Spain began to show more considera- 
tion for the demand of this government. In his first annual message 
to Congress in December, 1897, the President discussed the subject fully 
as the most important problem before the government. He considered 
all the propositions for recognition of belligerency, and recognition of 
independence but rejected them, and significantly referred to "interven- 
tion upon humanitarian grounds" as the plan most commendable, but 
in view of the change of policy by Spain indicated by the recall of Gen- 
eral Weyler, and the offer of autonomy to Cuba, he made no specific 
recommendations, saying: "If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty 
imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity 
to intervene with force, it shall be without fault upon our part and only 
because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command 
the support and approval of the civilized world." 

The country and Congress were excited and pressing for some action 
but the President was determined to exhaust diplomatic means before 
proceeding to war. The destruction of the battleship Maine in the 


harbor at Havana on the ni^lit of February l."i, 1SJIS, was the end of 
diplomatic dealings witli Spain, but there had to be proofs, and the 
President and Congress waited. Then the demand was made on Spain 
to relinquish her authority and government in Cuba and withdraw 
her land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. This meant 
war, and the administration had been preparing for war for several 
months and was ready for it. 

The United States had been at peace with all the world fur nearly 
half a century, but the administration quickly prepared for war. On 
March I), Congress by unanimous vute appropriated xriO,000,000 fur 
national defence to be expended by the President. It was a unique 
mark of confidence, and the succeeding events showed that it was well 
merited. Coast defenses were rapidly put in order, arms and ammu- 
nition for the army and navy wen- secured and an auxiliary navy pro- 
vided. All (his was done quietly and without any .official flourish of 
trumpets. On April 11 President McKinley sent another message to 
Congress announcing that diplomatic overtures had failed to settle the 
vexed question, and handing it over to the war making power. He 
closed his message with this declaration: "In the name of humanity, 

in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests 

which n'ive ns the rii-ht and the duty to speak and to act, the war in 
Cuba must stop." 

It was clear that the President passed over all half-way measures 
and proposed intervention \vi!h force as surest ed in his first message. 
Congress responded by passing the now famous Cuban resolutions au- 
ihorixinu,- the President to use the entire land and naval forces of the 
United States to compel Spain to relinquish her authority and govern- 
ment in the island of Cuba and withdraw her land and naval forces from 
Cuba and Cuban waters. These resolutions were adopted April 1!), and 
signed by the President April 1.0. A copy was at once delivered to the 
Spanish Minister in \\';:shinuton and another sent to Minister \Yoodford 
in Madrid to lay before the Spanish Cabinet. Spain did not wait to 
receive this demand but withdrew her Minister, broke off diplomatic 
relations with this government and war was declared on April IT.. 

The President called for !:.">, 000 volunteers and later for ~.">,000 more. 
The regular army was increased to <>.">, 000 men, and within a few weeks 
then 1 were 127."),(M)0 troops in camps and in the field. < 'uba was blockaded 
by the navy, and Commodore Dewey sailed from llon- Kon^ in search 


of the Spanish fleet in Asiatic waters. His destruction of the Spanish 
fleet in Manila Bay on May 1 was the first great victory of the war. 
Admiral Cervera's fleet took refuge in Santiago Harbor on May 19. 
General Shafter's army landed at Daguira on June 22, and began its 
advance on Santiago the next day; the battles at El Caney and San 
Juan Hill were fought July 2, and the Spanish fleet driven out of San- 
tiago harbor, attempted to make its escape July 3 and was utterly de- 
stroyed by the fleet under command of Admiral Sampson. 

On July 8 the commander of the Spanish forces offered to march out 
of the city of Santiago with arms and baggage provided he would not 
be molested before reaching Holguin, and to surrender to the American 
forces the territory then occupied by him. This proposition was rejected 
by President McKinley and unconditional surrender demanded, but the 
President offered to send Spanish troops back to Spain. On the morn- 
ing of July 11 the surrender of the city was again demanded and reply 
made that the demand had been communicated to the general-in-chief 
of the Spanish forces. On the morning of the 14th General Toral agreed 
to surrender upon the basis of his army, the Fourth Army Corps, being 
returned to Spain. The terms of surrender finally agreed upon included 
22,789 Spanish troops; of these 22,137 were repatriated at the expense 
of the United States. 

The formal surrender took place on the 17th of July, 1898, and at 
noon of that date the American flag was raised over the governor's 
palace with appropriate ceremonies. 

The total number of Spanish troops on the island of Cuba, as shown 
by September, 1898, rolls, was 10,956 officers and 215,134 enlisted men, 
classed as follows: Regulars, 5,093 officers, 115,355 enlisted men; volun- 
teers, 5,258 officers, 80,504 enlisted men; irregular volunteer troops, 605 
officers, 19,275 enlisted men. 

General Miles invaded Porto Rico July 11 and entered Ponce July 
27, and General Merritt entered Manila August 15. Spain sued for peace 
on July 26, and on August 12 agreed to the protocol by which she re- 
linquished all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba; agreed to 
cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico, and an island in the 
Ladrones; and that the United States should occupy and hold the city, 
bay and harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace 
which should determine the control, disposition and government of the 


On August 7, forty-six days from the date of landing of Shafter's 
army in Cuba and twenty days after the surrender of Santiago, that 
army was on its way home. The war with Spain lasted less than ninety 
days, and the total casualties in killed and wounded in the army were: 
Officers killed, 23; enlisted in. n killed, I'.'.T; total, -'SO; officers wosni-' 
113; enlisted men wounded. 1,-i'M; total, 1,577. Of the navy: Killed 17, 
wounded <>7, died as result of wounds 1, invalided from serviee 15, total 1)1. 

Prior to the outbreak of the Spanish-American war the strength of 
the regular army was 2,143 officers and iir>,OlO enlisted men. Under the 
President's lirsj ami second calls, April ~'.\ and May l!5. respectively, 
and the recruitment of the regular army to the maximum allowed by 
law, the strength of th<' army, re^ul a r and volunieer, in August, IS!>S, 
was 11, IDS oih'cers ami L'(i:i, (<!! enlisted men. 

In the meantime a vast amount of work, which words fail to describe, 
was performed by the various >tafi" departments, after day and night 
conferences with the chiefs thereof, in organizing, equipping, arming, 
disciplining and advancing the volunteers to efficiency for active Held 
service, and later transporting the various organizations io the cani])S 
or rendezvous to which they had been assigned. 

There have been mustered in, organized, mobilised, distributed at 
home and abroad, and finally repatriated and mustered out of the ser- 
vice, and sent to their homes, L'L'.'J.l':;") volunteers. There have been en- 
listed by the general recruiting service :J5,000 United States volunteers, 
organized into twenty-live regiments, twentv-two of which have been 
transported to the Philippine Islands, the remaining three having been 
organized there from the discharged volunteers and regulars. There 
have been enlisted and re-enlisted for the regular army between .May 1, 
1898, and January 31, 1!>00, 99,024 men, the present status being ap- 
proximately (U,(MM) regular army and 35,000 United Stales volunteers. 
Commissions have been issued since the beginning of the war to (>:>:! 
officers of the regular army, r,r> of which were for the various staff de- 
partments, and 3,874 United States volunteer officers. 

The health of our troops serving in the newly acquired territory has 
been guarded by every provision I hat modern science fan provide, and 
the sickness and mortality from disease has been kept far below what 
was to be expected. The ratio of deaths per thousand of mean strength 
for the first year of the war was but 25.7:1, while that for the first year 
of the war of 1S<;i-<;5 was 45.87. 


It is a fact well worthy of consideration that the Quartermaster- 
General's office, which at the outbreak of the war did not have a trans- 
port that was fitted for the transportation of troops, has to-day the 
finest transport service in the world, and has transported about 300,000 
passengers many thousands of miles at sea without the sacrifice of a 
single life due to any fault of the army transport service. This service 
is a revelation in the method of transporting troops, and the represent- 
atives of other nations have requested and been furnished data upon 
which to pattern after it. 

In war the administration was as successful as in restoring con- 
fidence and prosperity to the business interests of the country. It had 
the same success in its diplomacy, in negotiating the treaty of peace. 
By this treaty, signed at Paris, December 10, Cuba was left in trust with 
the United States, Porto Rico and Guam ami the Philippines were ceded 
to the United States, and by the ratification of that treaty we acquired 
sovereignty over all these islands. The insurrection in the Philippines 
has been subdued and the islands pacified. Congress is the only power 
to decide upon their government. 

Porto Eico has been given a territorial government more liberal than 
any before given to an American territory; Hawaii has been annexed 
a iid made a territory of the United States, and delegates from the 
islands have participated in the National conventions of both political 
parties for the nomination of candidates for President. 

The war with Spain revealed to the world the immense resources of 
the United States and the resources of. the nation to raise armies from 
the sturdy American manhood and equip them for battle. It taught the 
world to respect the power of this government more than any event in 
our history. It taught Europe and our own people to respect the 
American navy as the most perfect fighting machine on the seas. It 
made the United States respected and feared in every country, and it 
brought us the friendship of all nations, for nations like individuals 
respect heroism and the power to conquer. It taught the old world that 
this country, without a standing army and without the shadow of mili- 
tarism over it, could raise and equip the greatest and best fighting 
armies on short notice, and that independence produces men who are 
ready for war even in the most busy times of peaceful occupation. It 
taught our own people that the soldier comes from no class or section, 
and that the man of leisure and monev could shoulder his musket and 


fight beside the cowboy and the farmer and the artisan, enduring the 
same hardships and privations for the defense of the ting. It also taught 
our people that those who wore the bine and those who wore the gray 
could fight together with the same heroic effort that was shown in the 
battlefields of the Civil War when they contended against each other 
in the greatest and bloodies! struggle of the world's history. It was 
an illustration of the patriotism and homogeniety of the American peo- 
ple when General Fitzhugh Lee, (leneral Wheeler and (Jeneral Butler 
of Confederate fame commanded corps or divisions under the Com- 
maiider-in-Chief, William McKinley, who had been ;t private soldier in 
the Tnioii Army, and it found final illustration in tjio Philippines where 
the son of the great volunteer <!eneral, John A. Logan, gave his life a I 
the head of a Texas regiment, a demonstration that all sectional lines 
have been wiped out and the country reunited in defense of the flag 
under the leadership of President McKinley. 

In peace the army has also had its victories. In Cuba the military 
government has reorganized the insular police (rural guards) and placed 
that of each municipality upon a new basis; it has cleaned the cities, 
and by the introduction of modern sanitation has secured a most satis- 
factory decrease in the mortality. The customs and insular taxation 
system have been placed upon such a basis that the island is not only 
self-supporting, but is enabled to make important improvements. Much 
progress has recently been made in establishing a modern school sys- 
tem, while the United States postal system has superseded the former 
inefficient service. 

In Porto Rico boards of health have been appointed in municipali- 
ties and sanitation has made great strides; the building of good roads 
has been conducted on an extensive scale. The schools have been re- 
organized, modern methods and text-books being introduced. The bur- 
dens of taxation upon the people have been greatly reduced, while the 
efu>iency of the governmental service lias been greatly augmented. An 
up-to-date postal service is now enjoyed by the people, while the judici- 
ary and police systems are in much more satisfactory condition than 
formerly. And when the island was devastated by a tornado the admin- 
istration was quick to accept responsibility and again take up its 
humane duty. Between August 11, 1890, and April 2, 1000, 11,202 tons 
of food stuffs, the value of which was *7: ) >7,307.26, were sent to Porto 
Rico for indigent Porto Ricans by the Commissary Department and an 


additional $1,000 worth distributed to them from the subsistence depot 
on the island. Hundreds of tons have also been contributed by the gen- 
eral public and distributed under the supervision of the military au- 
thorities on the island. 

In the Philippines, in addition to the former ports of Manila, Iloilo, 
Cebu, and Zamboango, there are now open to the commerce of the world 
twenty-five other ports. Initial steps have been taken, under army offi- 
cers, for the civil reorganization of municipalities. The United States 
postal service has closely followed the troops. Public schools are being 
opened, in which the most approved American text-books are in use. 

The signal corps has performed its work with unequaled promptness, 
ability, and success. The telephone, telegraph, and flag have kept the 
President in touch, through commanding generals, not only with every 
army corps and their advanced skirmish lines, but with cooperating 
squadrons of the navy. In constructive work the corps has built nearly 
seven thousand miles of telegraph, and is to-day operating these lines 
in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines with an efficiency and economy 
hitherto unknown in those countries. 

These and other questions growing out of the war with Spain have 
taken a large part of the time and energy of the administration of 
President McKinley, but it has reaffirmed and strengthened the gold 
standard as pledged in the platform of 1896; and steps have been 
taken toward building the Nicaraguan canal, and reviving our merchant 
marine. It has been an administration of great successes in war and 
in peace, and it has been equally great in diplomacy, securing the pledge 
of the great world powers that the open door shall be maintained in 
China to secure to American commerce a fair show in the trade of the 

Four achievements in the management of the public finances and 
revenues under the administration of President McKinley stand out 
with marked prominence: 

First, in point of success, is the Dingley tariff; second, the reform in 
the currency; third, the war loan of 1898; and fourth, the settlement 
of the Pacific Railroad indebtedness. Perhaps never before in the his- 
tory of this country have so many important fiscal achievements been 
accomplished in so brief time. 

The settlement of the Pacific Railroad indebtedness is to be ranked 
as one of the achievements of this administration. This indebtedness 


had for years been a subject of fruitless endeavor; all efforts either by 
Congress or the Executive Department prior to Is97, were of little avail 
in protecting the government's interest in these roads. In fact there 
were grave doubts whether the government would succeed in being re- 
imbursed, even in part, of the vast sums expended by the United States 
in aid of their construction, lint this administration has settled wilh 
the Union Pacific road, receiving .:_':!.". 7.~>, the total amount of in- 

debtedness, and with the Kansas Pacific mad, for $(5,303,000. The re- 
sult of these proceedings against the Union Pacific system, embracing 
the main line and the Kansas Pacific line, is that the government has 
received on account of its subsidy claim the sum of si; |, 7:, 1,21'; 5.75, which 
is an increase of $18,997,1 <'>.",. 7.~> over the sum which the reorganization 
committee of the road agreed to bid for the joint property, leaving due 
the sum of *<>,r>88,900.19 interest on the Kansas Pacific subsidy. In the 
settlement of the Central Pacific Railroad Company the amount due the 
government upon its subsidy liens \\ . -- 1 L',7 1 .". is, more than one- 

half of which was accrued interest upon the principal debt. The agree- 
ment for settlement provided for the funding of this amount into twenty 
promissory notes bearing date of 1-Ybruary 1, 1S99, payable respectively 
on or before the expiration of each successive ^i\ months for ten years, 
each note being for the sum of !?2,! M>, <>"">. ~s, and to bear interest at the. 
rate of 3 per cent. It appears that out of an indebtedness of about 
$130,000,000, more than OTIC half of which consisted of accrued interest, 
the government has realized in cash and its equivalent the sum of $124,- 
421,670.95 within a period of less than two years. Xo other administra- 
tion has ever so quickly or so satisfactorily enforced the settlement of 
large claims held by the government against business corporations. 

Regarding the unfortunate conflict between (Jreat P.rifain and the 
Republics of South Africa, this government has faithfully observed the 
laws of neutrality and -strictly followed the traditional policy of nonin- 
tervention which has always characterized the conduct of the United 
States with respect to foreign wars. In a declaration offered to the 
peace conference at The Hague by the American delegation, effectually 
obtaining the first recognition of the Monroe doctrine by an interna- 
tional body, the "traditional policy of not intruding upon, or interfering 
with, or entangling itself in the political questions or policy * * * 
of any foreign State" is reaffirmed, together with a new avowal of the 
attitude of the United States toward purely American questions. This 


consistent neutrality, steadily maintained in spite of the impulses of 
sentiment which often endanger public interests, has rendered more 
available the mediatorial action of the United States upon the joint re- 
quest of both belligerents in case an opportune occasion should arise. 

In his message to Congress of December 5, 1899, President McKinley 
was able to say: 

"Had circumstances suggested that the parties to the quarrel would 
have welcomed any kindly expression of the hope of the American peo- 
ple that war might be averted, good offices w r ould have been gladly 

As these circumstances did not arise, no occasion was presented for 
tendering good offices until a request was received from the Republics 
of South Africa (March 10, 1900) that the United States should intervene 
to procure a cessation of hostilities. A similar request was simultane- 
ously sent to the leading European governments, but no action was 
taken by them. The government of the United States, whose attitude 
rendered it peculiarly available for mediatorial services, immediately 
addressed an offer of good offices to Lord Salisbury, expressing "the 
earnest hope" of the President that a way to bring about peace might be 
found, and adding that the President "would be glad to aid in any 
friendly manner to promote so happy a result." 

The charge of a secret alliance with England has been made against 
the administration. There has never been any proof offered in support 
of this allegation. It has been denied by the highest possible authority, 
the Secretary of State. In a letter written by Secretary Hay a year ago, 
when the charge w r as first made, he said: 

"An attempt is made in the Ohio Democratic platform to excite the 
prejudice of certain classes of voters against the present administration 
by accusing it of an alliance with England. The people who make this 
charge know it to be untrue; their making it is an insult to the intel- 
ligence of those whose votes they seek by this gross misrepresentation. 
But as one of their favorite methods of campaign is to invent a fiction 
too fantastic for contradiction, and then to assume it to be true because 
it has not been contradicted, you may permit me to take one moment 
to dispose of this ghost story, as it refers to the department with which 
I am connected. There is no alliance with England, nor with any power 
under Heaven, except those known and published to the world the 
treaties of ordinary international friendship for purposes of business 


ami commerce. No treaty other than these exists; none has been sug- 
gested on either side; none is in contemplation. It has never entered 
into the mind of the President nor of any member of the Government to 
forsake, under any inducement, the wise precept and example of the 
fathers which forbade entangling alliances with European powers. 

"I need not dwell upon this fact. Even the men who wrote the Ohio 
platform know there is no alliance, I'.ut they seek to make capital in 
this campaign out of the undeniable fact that our relations with Eng- 
land are more friendly ami more satisfactory than they have ever been 
before. It is hard to take such a chaise seriously; and if it is taken 
seriously, how can it be treated with patience? In the name of common 
sense, let me ask what is the duty of the government, if not to cultivate, 
whenever possible, agreeable and profitable relations with other na- 
tions? And if with other nations, why not with that great kindred 
power which stands among the .greatest powers of the world? Whai 
harm, what menace to other countries, is there in this natural and bene- 
ficial friendship? Only a narrow and purblind spirit could see in it any- 
thing exclusive. It is a poor starved heart that has room for only one 
friend. It is not with England alone that our relations are improved. 
We are on better terms than in the past with all nations. With Rus- 
sia, our old-time friend; with the great (Jerinan Empire, to which we 
are bound by so many ties; with our sister Republic of France; with 
Italy, Austria, and in short every European, every Asiatic nation, our 
relations are growing in intimacy and cordiality every year; and our 
friendship with our neighbors to the south of us, from the Rio (Irande to 
rape Horn, grows firmer, more genuine, day by day. 

"And why should it not be so? Everyone likes to be on good terms 
with the peaceful and the prosperous, especially if their prosperity is of 
that nature that other people profit by it, and this is precisely our con- 
dition. Our trade is taking that vast development for which we have 
been preparing through many years of wise American policy, of sturdy 
American industry, of thoughtful invention and experiment by trained 
American intelligence. We have gone far toward solving the problem 
which has so long vexed the economists of the world of raising wages 
and at the same time lowering the cost of production something which 
no other people have ever accomplished in an equal degn e." 

This has been an administration of performance rather than of pro- 
fession, and its performances stand out to challenge the admiration IKK 
only of the American people but of all the world. 




The Republican party had its origin in the demand that labor should 
be free and not slave. It has been the friend of labor throughout its 
existence. It has enacted more legislation for the benefit of the wage- 
earner than any other party that ever had control of the government. 
Its great doctrine since the civil war has been protection to the labor of 
this country against the pauper labor of other lands. It has by protec- 
tive legislation maintained a higher scale of wages in this country than 
has ever prevailed in any other country. It has followed the doctrine 
that the prosperity of the country depended on the prosperity, intelli- 
gence and independence of the wage-earner, and it has written that doc- 
trine in hundreds of pages of the statutes. 

While defending and advocating the cause of labor, the Republican 
party has not believed in the destruction of all organization of capital 
because in this age of combination for the building of railroads and other 
great enterprises for the common benefit of the people, the corporation 
was the only form of organization which could provide the capital to 
carry forward the work. The organization of labor and the organization 
of capital have run along parallel lines and both have had the protection 
of the Republican party. To-day they stand as the two great influences 
in this country as in every other civilized country. But the greater thei 
growth and development of each the nearer have they come to agreement 
upon scientific wage scales and agreements as to business management. 

Notwithstanding the apparent benefits from combinations of capital, 
in increased wages and cheapened products, the Republican party has 
from the beginning of trust organizations sought a way to control them 
and prohibit combinations and conspiracies for the restraint of trade. 
President Harrison took hold of this question with vigor in his first 
annual message to the 51st Congress in December, 1889, urging the at- 
tention of that Congress to the consideration of the question how far the 
restraint of trusts is matter for Federal jurisdiction. Acting upon 
President Harrison's recommendations the 51st Congress, Republican in 



both House and Senate, enacted the Sherman anti-trust law which was 
signed by the President This law declared illegal every contract, com- 
bination in the form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of 
trade or commerce among the several States, or with foreign nations, and 
it provided penalties. This action taken by a Republican President and 
a Republican Congress clearly indicated the policy of tin- Republican 
party in attempting to restrain capital from forming combinations or 
trusts in restraint of trade. That the act was not equal to the purpose 
was not the fault of Congress or the administrative officers. 1'resident 
Cleveland in discussing the same subject in his last annual message to 
Congress in December, 1896, testified to this by saying that while the in- 
sufficiencies of the existing laws should be remedied by further legisla- 
tion, if it could be done, the fa*-t must be recognized that all Federal leg- 
islation on this subject must fall short of its purpose because of inherent 
obstacles and also because of the complex charaei--r t .f our governmental 
system, which, while making the IVdcral authority supreme \viihin its 
sphere, has carefully limit el that sphere bj mete* and bounds thai cannot 
be transgressed. Mr. Cleveland added: "The decision of our highest 
court on this precise question renders it quite doubtful whether the evils 
of trusts and monopolies can be adequately n-e.-ued through IVdeial 
action unless they seek directly and purposely to include in their objects 
transportation or intercourse between States or between the United 
States, and foreign countries." 

This confession of President Cleveland at the close of his administra- 
tion was the more significant because of his attitude in the beginning of 
that term when he thought that destruction of the protective system 
would destroy the trusts. The trust flourished and developed under the 
Democratic administration and under the \Vilsoii tariff as they had un- 
der a Republican administration and the McKinley law. The \Yilsoii 
free trade law severely crippled all ordinary business and threw labor 
out of employment, but it did not harm or hinder the trusts which con- 
tinued to pay their usual dividends to stockholders This was a good 
demonstration of the fact that the trusts were not fostered by a protec- 
tive tariff, nor injured by free trade. It was this condition which v. is 
met by the present Republican administration. The tariff could not af- 
fect the trusts, but President McKinley and the Republican Congress 
believed that ordinary and legitimate business could be revived by a re- 
turn to the protective system, and the first act of the Republican party on 


its return to power was to enact the Dingley tariff law. The party had 
pledged itself to do this and by doing it the wheels of industry were 
again started and labor employed. Then came the war with Spain, dur- 
ing which Congress devoted its energies to equipping the government 
for war, and then settling the results of the war. 

But w r ith those questions out of the way and domestic affairs again 
presented for action, President McKinley in his last annual message 
earnestly recommended some further legislation amending and making* 
effective the anti-trust laws. The House addressed its efforts to this 
work and not only passed a stringent amendment to the Sherman act, 
but the Republican managers also presented a constitutional amend- 
ment which failed of the necessary two-thirds vote because the Demo- 
crats voted almost solidly against it. 

The Democrats denounce the trusts as "hydra-headed monsters" and 
"octopusses." Their warfare on trusts has been like their warfare on 
the "Robber Tariff Barons," a war of denunciation, not a practical war- 
fare for their regulation or their suppression. The legislation on this 
subject belongs solely to the Republican party. William McKinley as 
Chairman of the Committee on Platform in the National Republican 
Convention of 1888, presented the first anti-trust resolution adopted as 
an article of political faith. That resolution adopted by the Repub- 
lican National Convention of 1888 was as follows: 

"We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital organized 
in trusts or otherwise to control arbitrarily the conditions of trade 
among our citizens; and we recommend to Congress and the State 
Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will 
prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue 
charges on their supplies, or by unjust rates for the transportation of 
their products to market. We approve the legislation by Congress to 
prevent alike unjust burdens and unfair discrimination between the 

That resolution, written in 1888, is still a part of the Republican doc- 
trine. It needed no reiteration in 1892 and 1896 because Republicans 
Avere striving to carry it into effect in Congress, in the State Legislatures 
and in the courts. 

President Harrison took his stand on this plank in his first annual 
message to Congress, December 3, 1889. He said: 

"Earnest attention should be given by Congress to a consideration 


of the question how far the restraint of these combinations of capital 
commonly called "trusts" is a matter of Federal jurisdiction. When or- 
^ani/ed, as they often are, to crush out all healthy competition and to 
monopolize the production for sale of an article of commerce and .Gen- 
eral necessity, they are dangerous conspiracies against the public .uood, 
and should be made the subject of prohibitory and even penal legis- 

The first bill introduced in the Senate of the Fifty-tirst Congress was 
that which became the "anti-trust law" by John Sherman of Ohio. It 
was passed and became a law on .Inly '_', 1MM). It was carefully drawn 
and carefully considered by the able lawyers in both Houses of Con- 
gress, and it was believed that it would be effective. Throughout the 
consideration of the bill the members of the I )emocrat ic party criticised, 
obstructed and ridiculed it at every staj^e of its pro^n --. The motives 
of the author were impugned and the Democrats declared their opposi- 
tion to it and promised effective anti-trust legislation when they should 
come into power. Hut notwithstanding their opposition to the Sherman 
bill, they all voted for it, and when they came into power they forgot 
their pledges and rested on the Republican anti-trust legislation. In 
1000 history is simply repeating itself. A Republican Congress has 
sought to amend the Sherman act to make it more effective, and also to 
amend the Constitution so as to ^ive Congress ^reaier powers. The 
Democrats excused their opposition to both these efforts in Congress 
by denunciation of trusts in their platform and on the slump and in the 


President McKinley has not forgotten the Republican platform lie 
wrote twelve years a^o. Two years a^o he recommended and Con^n -< 
created an Industrial Commission to investigate this and kindred ques- 
tions. The report of that Commission, not yet completed, will be an 
exhaustive discussion of this question, with the testimony of trust mag- 
nates, capitalists, business men, and labor leaders. Hut President .Mc- 
Kinley did not wait for the result of this investigation. In his last an- 
nual message to Congress he said: 

k> Il is universally conceded that combinations which engross or con- 
trol the market of any particular kind of merchandise or commodity 
necessary to the j^enerjil community, by suppressing natural and ordi- 
nary competition, wherebv prices are unduly enhanced to the general 
consumer, are obnoxious not only to the common law but also to the 


public welfare. There must be a remedy for the evils involved in such 
organizations. If the present law can be extended more certainly to 
control or check these monopolies or trusts, it should be done without 
delay. Whatever power Congress possesses over this most important 
subject should be promptly ascertained and asserted." 

The first session of the Fifty-sixth Congress was a busy one with 
great questions before it. One of these was legislation to- regulate and 
control the trusts. 

Two measures were proposed by the Republicans. The first was an 
amendment to the Constitution. This was as follows: 


Section 1. All powers conferred by this article shall extend to the 
several States, the Territories, the District of Columbia, and all terri- 
tory under the sovereignty and subject to the jurisdiction of the United 

Sec. 2. Congress shall have power to define, regulate, control, pro- 
hibit, or dissolve trusts, monopolies, or combinations, whether existing 
in the form of a corporation or otherwise. 

The several States may continue to exercise such power in any man- 
ner not in conflict with the laws of the United States. 

Sec. 8. Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this 
article by appropriate legislation. 

The other measure was a bill to amend the Sherman Anti-Trust Law 
to make it more effective than it has proven in the last ten years. The 
Sherman Law, passed July 2, 1890, was entitled "An act to prohibit 
trade and commerce against unlawful restraints and monopolies." The 
law contains eight sections. 

Section 1 declares to be illegal "every contract, combination in the 
form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in restraint of trade or com- 
merce among the several States or with foreign nations." A penalty of 
not exceeding $5,000, or imprisonment of not exceeding one year, is 
fixed for the violation of this section. 

Section 2 fixes a similar penalty for "every person who shall monop- 
olize or attempt to monopolize or combine or conspire with any person 
or persons to monopolize any part of the trade or commerce among the 
several States or with foreign nations." 


Section 3 makes a similar declaration of illegality and fixes a similar 
penalty relative to such mini-arts or combinations in restraint of trade 
or commerce bet ween Ilie Territories, the District of Columbia, and the 

Section 4 confers jurisdiction for the enforcement of the law upon 
the several circuit courts of the United Stales. 

Section T> authorizes the subpoenaing of witnesses residing ' m jf. 
Cerent jurisdictions than the one wherein the suit shall be brought. 

Section (\ provides for the seizure and forfeiture of articles shipped 
in violation of the act. 

Section 7 provides for the recovery of damages in threefold decree to 
the injury occasioned any person, including reasonable attorney'.; fees. 

Section 8 defines the word "person" wherever used in the act "to in- 
clude corporations and associations existing under or authorized by 
the laws of either the United States, the laws o I' the Territories, the laws 
of any State, or the laws of any foreign country." 

The bill which the Republican majority of the Judiciary Committee 
of the House recommended proposed to amend sections 1, 2, .", 7, and S 
of the bill, and recommends live new sections, numbered !>, 10, 11, 12, and 
1:1. The amendments of sections 1, 2, and 3 seek only to increase the 
penalties for violations mentioned in those respective sections. The 
present law declares such violations misdemeanors, and tixes the pen- 
alty at a tine not exceeding $5,000 or imprisonment not exceeding one 
year, in the discretion of the court. In each of these instances the com- 
mittee recommended an increase of such penalties, making the viola- 
tions crimes, and fixing the penalties a; not less than $500 nor more than 
$5,000, and imprisonment of not less than six months nor more than 
two years, so that imprisonment is added in each rase to the penalties of 
the fine. 

Sections I. .",, and (' of the present law are in nowise disturbed. 

Section 7 of the present law authorizes the recovery of threefold dam- 
ages of any individual who has been injured by a violation of a statute. 
The committee thought it wise to further amend that section by fixing 
the minimum recovery at s2.~l(). 

Section S of the bill defines the word "person," wherever used in the 
act, "to include corporations and associations." The committee enlarged 
by amendment that term and definition and added to its meaning, wher- 


ever the term "person" shall be used in the act, "the agents, officers, and 
attorneys of such corporations and associations." 

The committee, in addition to the amendment proposed to the present 
law by specific sections, recommended five new sections, asking that they 
bear consecutive numbers, beginning- with No. 9, so that the first section 
recommended will be known as section 9 of the law. Under this section 
it was proposed to enlarge the possibilities of reaching these aggrega- 
tions of capital and monopolies, by declaring illegal all corporations and 
associations and joint-stock companies and partnerships doing business 
in any State of the United States or in any Territory belonging thereto, 
or in the District of Columbia, producing, manufacturing, or dealing in 
any article of commerce when organized for the purpose of, or carrying 
on business for the purpose of, controlling or monopolizing such produc- 
tion and manufacture. 

This section also provided that any such concern which by its opera- 
tions or its declaration in its organization is formed for the purpose of 
increasing or decreasing the price of an article to the consumer with a 
specific view of destroying competition shall also be held to be illegal. 
It proposed, too, to fasten its hold firmly and decisively upon any concern 
which by its operation, or its purposes as disclosed in its organization, 
seeks to impair competition, either by increasing the price to the con- 
sumer or by decreasing the price to the buyer, so as to drive it from the 
market, and declare such to be an illegal business. 

The same section enjoined such concerns from privileges of interstate 
commerce and withdrew from them the use of the United States mails. 
Their products were also subject to seizure and forfeiture whenever 
found enjoying either of these two privileges of the United States Gov- 

Section 10 fixes the penalty upon all transportation companies which 
knowingly receive for transportation any goods from a concern which 
has been held illegal under the act. This section applies to officers, man- 
agers, attorneys and agents of combinations or corporations, as well as 
to the corporation itself. 

Section 11 proposed the opportunity of obtaining evidence to estab- 
lish violations of the law. The evidence upon which conviction depends 
nearly always lays within the keeping of the trust itself. Its own rec- 
ords usually contain the strongest proof. So long as the witness 
claims that his own evidence may convict himself, he has been excused 


from testifying. Withmit the evidence which sonic record may dis- 
close, conviction may he impossible. 1'nder the provision of this sec- 
tion proof may be obtained from one ollieer against liis associates, and 
also against the trust itself. And in doing it the amendment threw 
about the individual whom we thus force upon the witness stand free- 
dom from prosecution. 

Section 12 of the bill clothes the various courts with jurisdiction for 
the enforcement of the law. P>y its provisions it is clearly slated that 
the law shall be enforced under the direction of the At torney-< leneral 
through the district attorneys of the several jurisdictions. These dis- 
trict attorneys are therein ant hori/ed to institute proceedings in equity. 
But nowhere in the present law is the duty imposed upon the Attorney - 
( leneral to see to the enforcement of the same. In section \'2 of the pro- 
posed amendment to the existing law it is provided that 

It shall be the duty of the At torney-< leneral of the I'nited States, 
and of the several district attorneys of the I'nited States, within their 
respective districts, to cause all persons, corporations, or associations 
violating or failing to comply with any of the provisions of this act to 
be promptly prosecuted therefor and to enforce all of the penalties im- 
posed by this art. 

The proposed Constitutional Amendment failed to pass the House 
by the constitutional two-thirds majority because the Democrats voted 

against it. While they have demanded that Congress should enad more 

stringent anti-trust legislation, they were opposed to giving Congress 
the power to control the trusts because this conllicied with the old 
States' rights doctrine of the Democratic party. The bill to amend the 
Sherman act passed the House and is now before the Senate. It will 
be aded on by the Semite at the next session of this Congress ami be- 
come a law before the expiration of President McKinley's first admin- 

Statesmen of all parties when they have come to deal with this ques- 
tion of regulating trusts, have agreed that it is a ditticnll and intricate 
problem, and to establish the line of demarkalion between the lawful 
and unlawful corporation, aggregation <>r syndicate may well en.L 
the attention of the most acute minds. 

President Cleveland after eight years in the Kxecutive office ex- 
pressed the doubt whether the evils of trusts and monopolies could be 
adequately treated through J'Yderal action. Mr. Cleveland simply ex- 


pressed the doubt which other men had experienced. His party had 
failed to accomplish anything in the way of an adequate remedy for 
the trust evil, and he gave up hope. The Republican party, the party of 
Construction, did not give up hope. It began legislating again ;t the 
trust that sought to restrain trade, ten years ago; in fact, long before 
that, when it enacted the Interstate Commerce law. As the laws have 
proven ineffectual in certain directions the Republican party has tried 
to amend and strengthen them. 

When it was found that the Sherman law would not reach trusts 
which could not be proven to be doing an interstate business, the State 
Legislatures were encouraged to take hold of the question and enact 
laws. Within the last ten years, since the enactment of the Sherman 
law, thirty-one States have passed such laws, and where these Legisla- 
tures were controlled by Republican majorities the laws are more com- 
prehensive and effective. The following are the States with dates of 
anti-trust legislation: 

1. Alabama, approved February 18, 1897. Applies simply to insur- 
ance companies. 

2. Arkansas, approved March 10, 1897. Quite general in its extent 
and application. 

3. California, approved February 27, 1893. Relates to live stock 

4. Delaware, passed February 15, 1891. Relates exclusively to in- 
surance companies. 

5. Florida, approved June 11, 1897. Applies to beef cattle and 
meats solely. 

G. Georgia, approved December 23, 189G. Quite general in its ap- 

7. Illinois, approved June 10, 1897. Quite general in its applica- 

8. Indiana, approved March 5, 1897. Quite general. 

9. Iowa, approved May 6, 1890. Quite general. 

10. Kansas, approved March 8, 1897. Very broad and sweeping. 

11. Kentucky, approved May 20, 1890. Quite general in applica- 

12. Louisiana, in effect July 7, 1892. Quite broad and general. 

13. Maine, approved March 7, 1889. Quite broad and general. 

14. Michigan, in effect July 1, 1889. Broad and general. 

15. Minnesota, approved April 20, 1891. Quite general. 

16. Mississippi, approved March 11, 1896. Quite broad. First in 
offect in 1892. 


17. Missouri, approved April 2, 1891. Since amended and broad- 
ened. Quite general and efficient. 

is. Montana, enacted in 1895. (Jinn- general. 

19. Nebraska, enacted April 8, 1SU7, but there was an act in 189r>. 
Quite broad and general. 

20. New Mexico, approved February 4, 1891. Quite general. 

21. New York, in effect May 7, 1S97. Quite broad and general. 

22. North Carolina, ratified March 11, 1SS9. Quite general. 

23. North Dakota, approved March 9, 1S97. Quite general. 
-1. Oklahoma, in effect December lM, 1890. Quite general. 

25. South Carolina, approved February L'.~>, 1897. Quite general. 

2(5. South Dakota, approved March 1, 1897. Quite general. 

'27. Tennessee, approved April <!. lss!>. Quite broad and general. 

2S. Texas, approved March 30, 1889. P.road and general'. 

29. rtah, approved March 9, 1896. Quite broad and general. 

:'><>. Washington, in constitution and law approved March 21, IS!)."".. 

81. Wisconsin, approved April l!7, 1>'97. Broad and general. 

The Democrats have sneered at the Sherman act as of no effect, have 
said that no law could reach the trusts without a constitutional amend- 
ment, and at the same time have opposed an amendment to the Con- 
stitution because it would take away some of the rights and powers of 
the State. The old States rights doctrine has held them back from as- 
sisting in doing what they insisted must be done before Congress could 
pass an effective anti-trust law. 

The favorite remedy of the Democratic party in the last Congress as 
well as when the party wa.s in power, has been the old free trade 
panacea. They proposed to give the President power to suspend the col- 
lection of all customs duties or unjust taxes whenever he shall be satis- 
lied that the price of any commodity or article of merchandise had been 
enhanced in consequence of any monopoly, and that this suspension of 
all duties, or free trade, shall continue so long as the enhancement of 
prices shall exist. 

Mr. Littlefield of Maine, the brilliant successor to the late Mr. Ding- 
ley in the House denounced this as the worst sort of imperialism that 
he had ever heard suggested. lie said: 

"There never was attempted to be written into the statute books of 
any State or of the United States a provision so violently imperial and 
czar-like as this proposition. It gives to the President of the I'nited 
States the power to enforce upon an organization which is assumed to 
be criminal for the express purpose of punishment, and that punishment 


is expected to be business ruin, the penalty of the law without even 
giving the offending party the right to be heard. The President brings 
the charge; he tries the cause; he renders judgment, and Le executes 
the sentence. If that is not Caesarism, if that is not imperialism, if that 
is not centralization run mad, I ask you to distinguish it. Search the 
records of this country or any other and see if you can find anything 
that will equal it. No court within the borders of Christendom ought 
to countenance for one moment a statute which, under any circum- 
stances, so flagrantly violates the fundamental law as to authorize any 
man to pass upon the guilt or innocence of any other man or set of men 
without allowing them an opportunity to be heard. It is only in the 
infernal regions that they determine a cause without hearing. Yet that 
is the proposition of our friends on the other side." 

This assertion that the tariff is the mother of trusts has been repeat- 
edly made by the Democrats. They have sought to show that trusts 
flourished under protective tariff legislation, but they do not explain 
why more trusts were organized under the Wilson tariff than there were 
under the McKinley tariff law. The fact is that free trade England has 
had the trust long before it was heard of in this country and an official 
report recently published in England gives a list of trusts with the num- 
ber of firms consolidated and the capitalization. In this list the follow- 
ing are some of the largest combinations of capital: 

No. of 

Date and Name. businesses. Capital. 

Oct. 6, 1888 Salt Union, Limited 2,000.000 

Nov. 1, 1890 United Alkali Co., Limited, 43 6,000,000 

July 1, 1896 J. & P. Coats, Limited 4 5,500,000 

Nov. 25, 1897 English Sewing Cotton Co., Limited.. 15 2,750,000 
May 6, 1898 Fine Cotton Spinners and Doublers', 

Limited , 31 6,000,000 

Dec. 14, 1898 Bradford Dyers .....;.. , 22 4,500,000 

July 4, 1898 Yorkshire Indigo, Scarlet, and Color 

Dyers 11 600,000 

July 6, 1898 Bradford Coal Merchants & Consumers. 8 250.000 

Oct. 9, 1898 Yorkshire Wool Combers 38 2,500,000 

Nov. 1, 1898 1 nited Indigo and Chemical 8 250,000 

Nov. 15, 1898 Textile Machinery Association 170,000 

Dec. 8, 1898 Calico Printers ' , . . 60 9,200,000 

Feb. 22, 1900 Wall Paper Manufacturers 28 4,200,000 

Mar. 1, 1900 United Velvet Cutters 4 300,000 

Apr. 4, 1900 British Cotton and Wool Dyers 46 2,750,000 

Total 328 46,970,000 

Here is a list, and it embraces only some of the largest trusts in 
free-trade England, in which there are 328 different business concern 


amalgamated, with a capital of 46,970,000, or $230,000,000. And there 
is not the shadow of an excuse to be found for their formation in the 
shape of a protective tariff. They are solely, thoroughly, and absolutely 
the product of the English system of Cobdenitc free trade, or a tariff for 
revenue only. 

The history of these trusts is given in detail in English oiiicial re- 
ports and they are regarded as legitimate and necessary in the control 
of the various industries. They would be called octopusses in this coun- 
try and their destruction demanded. England has become intoxicated 
with the trust mania as the means of holding her trade with the outside 
world by reducing the cost of production in order to meet th< i compe- 
tition of < lei-many and the Unih-d States. Germany also has her trusts, 
and if the United States is to meet these two great competitors for trade 
in Asia and South America this Government must follow the Republi- 
can plan of regulating and preventing the trusts from abusing the 
power they control by the combinations of capital; not the Democratic 
policy of destroying all organizations of capital as evil simply because 
they are great combinations. The two greatest trusts in this country 
are the Standard Oil Company and the Sugar Trust. The Standard Oil 
Company never had any protection in the way of a tariff, and the 
Sugar Trust had its greatest benefit from tin- Wilson-Gorman tariff 
law. Upon raw sugar that Democratic law imposed a tariff of 10 per 
cent, ad valorem. These figures are made upon actual importations, ac- 
tual results, in 1895, nothing theoretical. Upon refined sugar the tariff 
was 11.12 per cent., or a preferential in fa vor of the Sugar Trust of 4.42, 
or 10 per cent., in favor of the Sugar Trust. A similar comparison for 
1898 shows that in the Dingley bill the tariff upon raw sugar was 84.02, 
and upon retined sugar it is only 77.7! per cent., a difference against the 
trusts of 0.88, figured upon an actual importation, taking sugar of 9(i 
polaiiscope test, the largest amount imported being of that saccharine 
strength. It was not surprising therefore that Mr. Havemeyer was not 
satisiied with the Dingley law and in his testimony before the Industrial 
Commission said, "The mother of all trusts is the customs tariff bill." 
At the same time in the same statement Mr. Havemcyer said that the 
tariff on sugar should be doubled. 

It has been generally recognized among thoughtful men that there 
are great corporations (hat are legitimate and useful; that are benefi- 
cial and absolutely necessary to the modern development of American 


industry. The prevailing phase of modern business development un- 
doubtedly involves the aggravation of extensive capital. It contem- 
plates small profits and large volume of sales. It also requires the con- 
solidation of separate interests and these work out economies. The 
condition has its advantages and its disadvantages. The advantages 
are that the consumer buys his goods cheaper than under the old sys- 
tem. So far in this country, there has been no diminution of wages, but 
an increase, especially during the last four years of increased business 
activity. The disadvantages are that it eliminates undivided competi- 
tion, and tends to sink individualism in the great aggregation of the cor- 
poration on the one side and the labor union on the other. The Repub- 
lican party has in this new condition sought to deal with a natural de- 
velopment and so regulate it that it will not become a danger to the 
people. They have sought to guard the benefits and eradicate or pro- 
hibit the evil tendencies. 

It is generally conceded that where there is one aggregation of capi- 
tal, one gigantic corporation or trust which could be called "a hydra- 
headed monster," to use a Democratic phrase, there are hundreds and 
thousands that are legitimate elements of enterprise that conserve the 
interests of the people and are indispensable to the general welfare. But 
the Democratic party in its platform and Democrats individually in Con- 
gress and on the stump make no distinction, but denounce all with in- 
temperate and indecent language. The only suggestion they make is to 
tear up the whole system of modern development and go back to "the 
good old times" of the wooden plow and old hand sickle, the household 
loom and the prairie schooner, instead of the modern agricultural ma- 
chinery, the cotton and woolen mill, and the railway train of to-day. 
In nothing has the Democratic party shown its incompetency as a party 
capable of constructive legislation more clearly than in its position on 
this most important question of the relations of capital and labor, for it 
would destroy the organization of both. 

^Yhile discussing the growth of corporations, it is in place to point 
out that the American Federation of Labor has also grown at a surpris- 
ing rate during the last three years. While capital has been concentrat- 
ing its power, labor has been doing the same. This means that labor is 
amply protected and is flourishing under this Republican administra- 
tion. Founded in 1886, the American Federation of Labor has con- 
ducted its business publicly, with dignity and with success. To-day it 
employs twelve paid organizers, besides 470 volunteer organizers, who 


work in Canada as well as in the United States. The following is a 
tabulated statement of the membership of the different organizations 
named on the first day of January, 1900: 


Enrollment reported January 1, 1900 1,004,000 

Gained since January 1, 1900 304,000 

Local charters issued in 1900 1,500 

International and national unions now enrolled 73 

With State unions, 11; city trades councils, 134 145 

Record of 1899. 

Membership gained 225,000 

International and national unions added 9 

Union labels authorized 29 

Strikes won 425 

Strikes lost 48 

Strikes compromised 39 

Charters issued in 1899 ( reported ) 2,264 

Charters issued in 1899 (not reported) 600 


Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers 34,000 

Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen 26,000 

Brotherhood of Railway Conductors 27,000 

Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen 25,000 

Xt only has iliis big American consolidation, or federation, of labor 
issued a large number of charters, but its afliliated organizations have 
been equally prosperous,, as will be seen from the following table, giving 
the number of charters issued by the different crafts for the year ending 
April 1, 1900: 

Charters Charters 

Craft. issued. Craft. issued. 

Miners 308 Wood workers -*0 

Butchers 23 Wood carvers 15 

Brewers 25 Coopers 20 

Cigar makers 20 Trunk makers 3 

Tobacco workers 17 Carriage and wagon makers 10 

Tailors 37 Broom makers 28 

Garment workers 22 Musicians 12 

Shoe workers 24 Bottle blowers 17 

Leather workers 20 Window-glass flatteners 12 

Granite cutters 12 Textile workers 12 

Tile layers 7 Printers 61 

Painters 60 Printing pressmen 40 

Steam fitters 3 Telegraphers 14 

Blacksmiths 32 Steam engineers 9 

Machinists 59 Coal-hoisting engineers 4 

Iron molders 50 Stationary firemen 24 

Iron, steel and tin workers 50 Street-railway employees 25 

Boiler makers 40 Team drivers 78 

Electrical workers 20 Longshoremen 49 

Sheet metal workers 31 Commercial agents 11 

Turners 27 Retail clerks 63 

Bicycle makers 10 Stage employees IS 

Metal polishers 42 Barbers 52 

Stove mounters 12 Hotel and restaurant employees 13 

Pattern makers 15 



Nearly every national or international organization of labor hats 
been increasing its membership, and the past three years have been 
those of greatest success for the consolidation of labor interests. That 
this is the case will be seen from the following table, showing the rela- 
tive percentage of increase in membership in the years 1897, 1898, and 
1899. These figures of increase are correct, as they are compiled from 
reports received direct from the various national unions on May 1 of 

this vear: 


Per cent. 

Membership increase. 


Bricklayers and stone masons . 

Broom makers 

Barbers 10 

Bicycle makers 10 

Boilermakers and iron shipbuilders 


Blacksmiths Decrease 

Brewery workers 30 

Bakers and confectioners 


Boot and shoe workers 

Conductors (railroad) 10 

Coopers 75 

Curtain operatives (lace) 

Core makers 6 

Carriage and wagon makers 

Clerks (retail) 

Carpenters 10 

Cigar makers 10 

Engineers (locomotive) - 10 

Engineers (coal-hoisting) 

Electrical workers 

Engineers (stationary) 

Firemen (stationary) 

Firemen (locomotive) 11 

Glass-bottle blowers 3 

Glass workers 

Garment workers 5 

Gold beaters 

Horseshoers 10 


Iron molders 10 

Iron, steel and tin workers 10 

Longshoremen 30 

Leather workers 30 

Meat cutters and butcher workmen Xe-*- 

Musicians 80 

Metal workers 

Machinists 10 

Miners 40 

Potters 20 

Steel and copper plate printers 10 

Plumbers, gas and steam fitters 

Paper makers 15 

Per cent. 
























Per cent. 

















Per cent. : 

Per cent. 

Pattern makers 



Spinners (cotton mule) 

Stone mounters* 


Stage employees 



Street-railway employees 








Tin-plate workers 



Tile layers .' 

Trackmen (railroad) 



Textile workers 


Tobacco workers 





Waiters, cooks, bartenders 


Wood carvers 


Wood workers . 




Membership increase. 

Per cent. 




There has been a corresponding increase in the waues paid under 
what the Democrats call the "bulwark of trusts," the Dinu'ley tariff law. 
The following table compiled from the reports of national and interna- 
tional unions, made in May, 1!MM>, shows the per cent, of increase in 
waives of .")! different trades or crafts in the years 1>!7, ls!s, and !>:!: 



Wage increase. 

Crafts. 1897. 1898. 1899. 

Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. 

Agents 5 10 20 

Bricklayers and stone masons 10 12 25 

Broom makers 10 

Bicycle workers 10 20 

Boiler makers and iron shipbuilders 10 25 

Brickmakers 10 

niacksmiths 10 

Brewery workmen 10 15 

Bakers 15 

Bookbinders 5 10 25 

Boot and shoe workers 5 15 

Conductors (railroad) Very substantial increase. 

Coopers 3 4 10 

Curtain (lace) operators 15 

Core makers 12 25 

Carpenters 5 S 15 

Cigar makers 6 10 

Engineers (locomotive) Small 12 30 

Engineers (coal-hoisting) 10 50 

Electrical workers 25 25 

Engineers (stationary) 20 30 

Firemen (stationary) 15 

Firemen (locomotive) 10 



Wage increase. 





Per cent. 

Per cent. 

Per cent. 

Glass-bottle blowers 


Glass workers 






Iron molders 


Iron, steel and tin workers , 




Longshoremen , 




Leather workers , 




Meat cutters and butcher workmen 


Metal workers 






Mine workers 






Plumbers, gas and steam fitters 


Paper makers 


Printers , 



Pattern makers 






Spinners (cotton mule) 


Stove mounters 



Stage employees 




Street railway employees 









Tin plate workers 


Trunk makers 



Tile layers 


Railroad laborers 




Textile workers 


Tobacco workers 







Waiters and cooks 




Wood carvers 



Wood workers 




Not only have wages been increased, but the reports of the labor 
unions show that the percentage of increase in employment of labor has 
been on an average of 100 per cent, in each of the years of this adminis- 
tration. The industrial situation in this country was never more satis- 
factory than in the last year of McKinley's first administration. 

While the Democratic party is crying, "Down with the Trusts!" the 
combinations of capital and the labor organizations are drawing closer 
together, and coming to a better understanding in regard to the rela- 
tions of labor and capital. The tendency is to employ arbitration and 
conciliation in the settlement of differences. This method has long been 
in vogue between the railways and their employes, with the steel-makers, 
with the wire-nail makers, with tin-plate manufacturers, with the steel - 
beam producers, with the Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel and 


Tin Workers, with the newspaper publishers, with the employing book 
and job printers, and with the International Typographical I'liion. The 
more that labor and capital concentrate their interests individually, so 
much the more are they endeavoring to concentrate their interests col- 
lect iv-'v. Large and small labor unions, instead of lighting industrial 
combination, find it to their interest to join hand in hand with them. 
There is no better combination in the United States to-day than the 
American Federation of Labor. 

Speaking for the vast army of wage-earners employed in the iron, 
steel, and tin industry, Theodore SchanVr, president of the Amalga- 
mated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin \Yorkers, before the Federal 
Industrial Commission, has de< -hired that the ell'e.-t of trusts had been 
beneficial to them. "As a general rule," he said, "he believed that the 
members of his organisation would prefer to deal with combinations 
and large corporations rather than with smaller independent mills." His 
experience was that he always received fair treatment in negotiating 
with these combinations, and he was certain "they did not prevent com- 

The records of the American Federation of Labor sh\v that tin 4 or- 
ganization of labor has kept pace with the organization of capital, and 
that labor has been able to take care of itself. \Yages and employment 
have greatly increased under the present Republican administration, 
and no better witness to this fact can be summoned than Samuel (lorn- 
pers, president of the American Federation of Labor. In his report to 
the American Confederation of Labor Convention, December 11, 1893, 
Mr. Ciompers said: 


Since August of this year we have been in the greatest industrial 
depression this country has ever experienced. It is no exaggeration to 
say that more than 3,000,000 of our fellow-toilers throughout the coun- 
try are without employment and have been so since the time named. 
This lamentable industrial condition is attributed by many to various 
causes, and it seems to me that the accurate statement of them here is 
both requisite and appropriate, so that we may be better enabled to BO 
frame our legislation that it may tend to a proper solution of the prob- 
lem dependent upon the wage-workers for solution. 

Never in the history of the world has so large a number of people 


vainly sought for an opportunity to earn a livelihood and contribute to 
the support of their fellows. In a society where such abnormal condi- 
tions prevail there must of necessity be something wrong at the basic 

In a signed article published in a New York magazine on January 1, 
1898, Mr. Gompers gave this as the condition of labor in 1897: 


"That terrible period for the wage-earners of this country which be- 
gan in 1893 and which has left behind it such a record of horror, hunger 
and misery practically ended with the dawn of the year 1897. Wages 
had been steadily forced down from 1893 till toward the end of 1895, and 
it was variously estimated that between two million and two and a half 
million wage-earners were unemployed. 

"It is agreed by all that the wage-earners are the principal consumers 
of American products, and it necessarity follows that a reduction in 
wages involves a diminution in the power of consumption, and conse- 
quently a proportionate decrease in production, and, naturally, also in 
the force of labor required for the production. A reduction of wages, 
therefore, results in an increase in the army of the unemployed, and any 
circumstance or combination of circumstances that will check reduction 
in wages, and hence the diminution of consumption by the masses, is a 
humane act, based on the soundest laws of economics and of progress." 

In his report to the annual convention of the American Federation 
of Labor, at Detroit, on December 11, 1899, Mr. Gompers said this of the 
labor condition of last year: 


"The revival of industry which we have witnessed within the past 
year is one for general congratulation, and it should be our purpose to 
endeavor to prolong this era of more general employment and industrial 
activity. In this effort no power is so potent as organized labor, if we 
but follow a right and practical course. 

"It is beyond question that the wages of the organized workers have 
been increased, and in man}' instances the hours of labor either reduced 
or at least maintained. 

"The reports which your officers are enabled to submit to this con- 


i, so far as the growth and progress (f our movement during the 
]asi year arc concerned, is of a most gratifying character. At last we 
arc realizing some of the fruits of the years of unceasing sacrifice, devo- 
tion, and uninterrupted work of our fellow-unionisis." 

It is but right to state here that Mr. Samuel (rompers, the president of 
the American Federation of Labor, is now, and always has been, an un- 
compromising Democrat. His frank and unsolicited testimony to tin 1 . 
better conditions of labor under a Republican administration should, 
therefore, have some influence with Democratic voters who study this 
question. His words speak volumes for Republican policy and for l\e- 
publican administration. They show clearly, and without the possibility 
of a doubt, that this ad mini- 1 rat ion has made hives of industry out of the 
Democratic haunts of idleness that were created under the Democratic 
administration >f President Cleveland, when both the House and the 
United States Senate were under control of the Democratic party. 




The people of the United States, after mature deliberation four years 
ago, decided that they wanted to continue the use of the gold standard 
of money because gold is the best and most unchangeable metallic 
money in the world, good wherever it goes, its intrinsic value equaling 
its coinage value, and current in all countries regardless of the stamp 
it bears. 

The United States is on a gold basis. Gold is the standard of value. 
If there was any doubt of this before there can be none since the passage 
of the act of March 14, 1900. The title of this act is: "An act to define 
and fix the standard of value, to maintain the parity of all forms of 
money issued or coined in the United States, and for other purposes." 

That act fixed by law the standard of value as gold. This was not, 
however, an act of Congress to create a new value or new duty for gold. 
It was simply the legal recognition of a commercial fact that had been 
undisputed for many years. Gold has been the measuring standard of 
value in this country, because gold has the same fixed value either as 
junk or money. Its value cannot be destroyed. Since it is the metal 
of least varying value the world over it has become the money standard 
of all commercial nations, including the United States. The law of 
March 14, 1900, did not change the standard in this country. It con- 
firmed by law what had been the recognized fact in business transac- 
tions by men of all parties. The law was made necessa^ by the attacks 
upon our money and the credit of the government by the Democratic 
party in the campaign of 1896 when that party wrote into its platform: 
"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver at 
the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent 
of any other nation." 

This was a demand for what had never been, and it was as great an 
attack upon our credit as would be a demand for repudiation.. It meant 
repudiation of a part of our national debt. 

The United States government in its early history tried to maintain 



the double standard, but for seventy-live years this has been a legal fic- 
tion. Gold has been the standard of value in all commercial and busi- 
ness transactions of the government and the people. (lold has been The 
money secured by issuing bonds by the government, and gold has been 
the standard in private contracts. It has maintained a tixed value 
which is the same the world over. An ounce of gold has the same value 
in Europe, Asia and America whether coined into money, kept in bars 
as it comes from the stamp mill, or sold as old gold from discarded 
jewelry. The stamp of the Tinted States mint adds no value to the gold 
in the coin. There is not a country in the world where they have bi- 
metallism, because it is impossible for one nation to maintain bimetal- 
lism alone. Monometallism is the universal rule. There are countries 
with gold monometallism and other countries with silver monometal- 
lism. Those countries having the gold standard are our commercial 
rivals. Those having a silver standard are our commercial inferiors. 
We have nothing to fear from them, and nothing to gain by adopting 
their standard of monetary value any more than we have by adopting 
their standards of civilization and morality. The poorest paid labor in 
the world is in China and Mexico, where they have the silver standard. 
When in 171)2 Congress passed the first coinage act it made the dol- 
lar the unit of value, and it provided that the proportion of gold to silver 
should be as 15 to 1. P.oth metals were to be used, but Congress did 
not propose to make money but cotn it for the holders of the precious 
metals. Coinage was free. It was soon after found that the two metals 
would not circulate together at this ratio. Silver had been overvalued 
and gold was worth more as bullion than as coin at the ratio provided 
by law. Silver alone went to the mints and gold was exported to Europe 
where it was more valuable than at home as money. There was bimet- 
allism only in theory. In fact we had silver money. In IS.'U and in 1837 
Congress changed the ratio and made it Hi to 1, but this legal ratio did 
not conform to the commercial ratio. Hy these acts gold was overvalued 
at the mint and gold went to the mint while silver was attracted to 
Europe by a French ratio which declared that one ounce of gold was 
only worth 15i ounces of silver. The difference of half an ounce kept 
silver from going to the Tinted States mint. These acts of 1834 and 
IS.'',' demonetized silver as the act of 17U2 had demonetized gold. The 
demonetization of silver was accomplished under the administrations of 
Jackson and Vanl'uren, both Democrats. The country was placed on 


a gold basis. Financial writers of reputation have held chat the country 
has been on the gold basis ever since that time. 

The "crime of 1873" was therefore committed forty years before that 
date in 1834, during the administration of Andrew Jackson, one of the 
patron saints of the Democracy. That act of 1834 provided that the 
eagle should contain 232 grains of pure gold instead of 247^ grains as 
under the act of 1792, and in this way it fixed the ratio of 16 to 1, which 
Democrats still claim is the legal ratio. But in fixing this ratio between 
gold and silver in 1834 Congress, as has been said, overvalued gold, 
making it more valuable at the mint than in the commercial market, 
and demonetized silver by making it less valuable at the mint than in 
Europe, driving it from the mint. Sixteen ounces of silver were worth 
more in the markets of the' world than one ounce of gold, and con- 
sequently the owner of silver bullion preferred to sell it rather than 
take it to the mint and coin it. The effect w r as to drive silver out of 
circulation and bring back gold. The two metals would not circulate to- 
gether at the ratio of 16 to 1. It was an illustration of the correctness of 
the Gresham law 200 years old, that when two pieces of metallic money 
of the same denomination and the same nominal or mint value, but of 
different intrinsic or market values, are in circulation, the one of least 
intrinsic value will continue to circulate while the other w r ill be with- 
drawn, and being of greater market value, will be melted, hoarded or 
exported. The experience of history is that men will pay out the piece 
of money of least value and keep that w r hich is of greater value. 

In his report to the Secretary of the Treasury for 1876, Comptroller 
Knox, in speaking of the effect of this act on silver, said: "The act of 
June 28, 1834, which reduced the gold standard about six and one-fourth 
per cent., practically demonetized the silver coinage. Previous to the 
date of the passage of that act American gold and silver coins of all 
denominations were equally a legal tender, and the silver coins of less 
denomination than one dollar were chiefly in use, only $1,369,517 in sil- 
ver dollars having been issued from the mint at that date. The Act of 
1834 overvalued the gold coinage, driving from the country the full- 
weight silver coins previously in circulation; and it may be confidently 
stated that from 1834 to 1873 no silver dollar pieces have been presented 
at any custom-house in payment of duties." 

The act of 1837 reduced the w r eight of the silver dollar to 412} grains 

146 SOi'XD MOXEV. 

by reducing the amount of alloy. Ii did not change the weight of the 
silver in the dollar. It did not hrinju silver to the mint. 

In his report in lS."il Thomas Corwin, Secretary of the Treasury, 
called attention to the inequality of the metals at the existing ratio. 

He said: "The relation of j^old to silver in the le^al coinage of the 
United States is as 1 to 15.988; in <lreat Britain, :is 1 to 1 l.L'ss; and in 
I lance, as 1 to l-VilM). Thus it will be seen that one ounce of pure 
old will, in the United Slates, he equal to that produced from the 
: i;aj.'.e of l.~i.!ISS ounces of pure silver; in < in -at Hritain, it will be equal 
() that derived from only 11. -SS ounces pun- silver; and in Fran*' 
1.V1JW ounces. So soon, therefore, as the state of our foreign comniei. ,, 
as is now the case, leqiiires an exportation of specie, ii is obvious that 
.iir silver coin must be exported whilst it can be procured, till the de- 
mand for exportation is Mipplied." 

The result of the secret a r\'^ recommendations was the passage of 
I lie act of 1S."):>. h reduced the weight of the half-dollar to 1H1* Drains, 
:inl the quarter-dollar, dime and half-dime, in proportion, but it made 
no mention of the silver dollar. This act also provided that "No de- 
posits for coinage into half-dollar, quarter-dollar, dime and half-dime 
s-hall hereafter ! n ivrd. other than those made by the treasurer of 
the mint as herein anthorix.ed, and upon a< count of the Tinted States." 
it did not provide for free coinage of silver. This coinage was on ac- 
count of the government no! the holder of silver. These subsidiary 
silver coins were limited in their h-ual tender power to live dollars. It 
did not remoneti'/.e silver. And Mr. Dunham, chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Ways and Means, said in the debate: 

"We propose, so far as these coins are concerned, to make silver 
Mibservient to the jjold coin of the country. We intend to do what the 
best writers on political economy have approved; what experience, 
wheM the experiment has been tried, has demonstrated to be the best, 
and what the committee believe to be necessary and proper- -to make but 
one standard of currency, and to make all others subservient to it. 
We mean to make the ^old standard coin, and to make these new silver 
coins applicable and convenient, not for lar^e, but for small trans- 

The next coinage act was that of 1S73 "the crime of IS!:?," as Mr. 
Ilryan calls it. Itdidnoi change the position of silver. It did not change 
(he amount of silver in the half-dollar, quarter and dime. It did not pro- 


vide for the coinage of the dollar of 412^ grains because that piece had 
gone out of existence 40 years before. It did provide for a trade dollar 
of 420 grains of silver for the benefit of the people of California in 
their trade with China, which has the silver standard. It did not change 
the amount of gold in the Eagle, but it fixed the standard weight of 
the dollar at 25 8-10 grains and made it the unit of value. The Act of 
1873, therefore, did no more than write into the law w r hat had been in 
practical operation for forty years, and had been ignored in previous 
laws. It dropped the silver dollar which had not been coined since 
1835, and limited the coinage of silver, except for trade dollars, to the 
pleasure of the government as did the act of 1853. It is hardly credit- 
able to a great political party seeking the responsibility of directing 
the government that it should try to make the American people regard 
this act as a great moral crime. One-half the metallic money was not 
destroyed by that act for it had never had any existence. The act of 
1873 did not demonetize silver. Silver had been demonetized forty 
years before in the administration of Andrew Jackson. There was no 
more demand for the coinage of the silver dollar in 1873 than there had 
been from 1835 to that time. Silver was still more valuable in the 
market than at the mint in 1873 and the holder of silver bullion had 
no object in having it coined. The average value of the 371| grains of 
silver w r hich went into a silver dollar was 1.004 in 1873, and there had 
not been a time since 1835 when it was not more valuable than gold at 
the ratio of 16 to 1. The silver men did not begin to complain of the 
"crime of '73" until several years later when the enormous output of the 
silver mines sent silver down in the market and 16 ounces of silver were 
less valuable than one ounce of gold. This fall in the price of silver 
began in 1874 w r hen the average price of the silver necessary to make 
a silver dollar was 98.8, or one and two-tenths cents less than a dollar. 

The price of silver has continued to fall, until to-day it is worth less 
than one-half what it would represent if coined into dollars, and the 
silver owner would have profited by free coinage in every year since 
the passage of the act of 1873. Considering the weakness of/ human 
nature it is easy to see why the silver owners demand the free and 
unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. 

By the acts of 1875 and 1876 Congress authorized the issuance of 
silver coins of fractional denominations with which to redeem the frac- 
tional paper currency. This issue was limited to f 50,000,000. The act 


of January 14, 1875, provided for the redemption of the United States 
legal tender notes on and after January 1, 1S7!>, and to enable the 
Secretary of the Treasury to provide for redemption, he was authorized 
to "sell and dispose of at not less than par in coin," certain bonds which 
had been issued by the government. It has been claimed that it would 
be no injustice to redeem these bonds in silver. But the coin received 
in exchange for these bonds had been gold, for gold had been the only 
coin in circulation. There was a moral obligation to pay the bonds in 
the coin which had been given in exchange for them. 

In 1878 was passed the Bland-Allison act providing for the recoinage 
of the silver dollar of 4\'2\ grains and amhori/.ing the Secretary of the 
Treasury to purchase not less than SL>,0()0,00() nor more than $4,000,000 
worth of silver per month at the market value, for this coinage. It 
also provided for the silver certificates to represent the silver coined 
when left in the Treasury. The act also directed the President to in- 
vite other countries to join the United States in a conference to adopt 
a common ratio between gold and silver. This was the lirst declaration 
in favor of an international monetary conference. President Hayes 
vetoed this bill and it was passed over his veto. This act was an effort 
to give silver a better standing as money, and to provide a market for 
the silver produced in this country. But it could not prevent the fall 
of silver in price. 

The "Sherman Purchasing Act" of 1890 was another effort in the 
same direction. It was repealed in 1893. The Republican party has 
been the consistent friend of silver and has sought to maintain it in 
circulation with gold. It has gone to extremes in this effort but has 
failed because the United States, acting independently could not main- 
tain silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1 or any other fixed legal ratio 
which did not harmonize with the commercial ratio which has been 
constantly changing. 

Under these two acts of 1S7S and 1S90 the government coined 451,- 
918,650 silver dollars and including silver certificates and treasury 
notes issued, raised the amount of money represented by silver to 
$570,166,793. The silver bullion coined under the act of 1878 cost the 
government s:Hs/J79.2(J and at the present price of silver it would cost 
sisr,,207,lis9. The silver purchased under the act of 1S!)0 cost 155,HS1,- 
002 and at the present price of silver ii would cost $1 07,832,0*57. Under 
these two acts the government paid *171, 120,937 more for the silver 


now in circulation than it represents in actual intrinsic value. This is 
a big price paid in the effort to maintain silver and furnish a market for 
silver at the United States mints. The Republican party therefore 
favors international bimetallism as the only way to keep the two metals 
working together as standard money, and it has made every possible 
effort to secure an international ratio. 

In the first century of the Republic has been demonstrated the fal- 
lacy of the present Democratic declaration in favor of a fixed legal 
ratio, independent of other commercial nations. It would be just as 
difficult for this country alone to fix a price for wheat and corn without 
regard to the supply and demand of other countries, or to maintain 
the wages of labor without some means of protecting our own labor 
from the competition of cheaper labor abroad. If the United States 
government could fix the price of sih^er, it could fix the price of w^heat. 
It can do neither and has never succeeded in compelling gold and silver 
to circulate on equal terms at a fixed legal ratio which differed from 
the commercial ratio of the two metals. 

Such was the situation which confronted the two great political 
parties in 1896. The Republican convention considered the question 
in the light of the past experience of the government covering nearly 
one hundred years, and adopted the resolution declaring the party in 
favor of sound money and the maintenance of the existing gold stan- 
dard. That resolution was as follows: 

"The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It caused 
the enactment of the law providing for the resumption of specie pay- 
ments in 1879; since then every dollar has been as good as gold. 

"We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase 
our currency or impair the credit of our country. We are, therefore, 
opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agreement 
with the leading commercial nations of the world, which we pledge 
ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained, the 
existing gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper cur- 
rency must be maintained at a parity with gold, and w r e favor all 
measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of the United 
States and all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, 
the standard of the most enlightened nations of the earth." 

The Democratic convention, controlled by the silver men, ignored 
the advice of the older and more experienced Democratic leaders, in 


eluding the Democratic President, Mr. Cleveland, and his official recom- 
mendations, and declared for the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 
1C to 1, though at the time the coinage of silver at such ratio would 
have made the government deliberately attempt by legislation to double 
the price of silver in the commercial markets of this country and the 

The Democratic resolutions were as follows: 

"We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and silver 
at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or 
consent of any other nation. We demand that the standard silver dollar 
shall be a full legal tender, equally with gold, for all debts, public and 
private, and we favor such legislation as will prevent for the future 
the demonetization of any kind of legal tender money by private con- 

"We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to the 
holders of the obligations of the Tinted States the option reserved by 
law to the (Jovernment of redeeming such obligations in either silver 
coin or gold coin." 

The campaign of IStMJ was fought on this issue and that of the tariff. 
The Democrats made this i heir paramount issue. They drove out of their 
party thousands of conservative, patriotic Democrats who could not 
sacrifice country to party. 

There was a thorough discussion of the financial question in that 
campaign in every state in the union, and the Republicans von by the 
greatest popular vote and majority ever given to a political party. This 
vote was the instruction of the majority of American voters to the Re- 
publican party to enact legislation in keeping \vith its platform. It 
has done that. The act of March 14, is the result. 

In presenting that bill to the Senate. Senator Aldrich of Rhode 
Island, chairman of the Committee on Finance and one of the best 
authorities on finance in the country, said: 

"The general purpose of the bill is to declare anew that gold is the 
monetary standard of the Tinted States; to establish confidence in 
the intention and ability of our (Jovernment to give the greatest pos- 
sible measure of stability in value to its currency and to provide the 
means for securing for it at all times an equal purchasing power with 
gold; to lighten in every possible way the burdens imposed upon 


the taxpayer by existing public obligations, and to strengthen the 
public credit. 

"The first section contains a clear and definite declaration that the 
gold dollar is and shall continue to be the standard unit of value; a 
new and more emphatic pledge on the part of the United States that 
all forms of money it may issue or coin shall be at all times maintained 
at an equality of value with the gold coin adopted as the standard, 
and a specific provision that United States notes and Treasury notes 
shall, upon presentation at the Treasury, be redeemed in standard gold 

"These several declarations embody in new and more positive terms 
the law and the practice in this respect as interpreted and carried out in 
the administration of the Treasury Department since the resumption 
of specie payments. The act of February 12, 1873, made the gold dollar 
the sole unit of value, and no serious attempt has been made in the 
twenty-seven years which have elapsed since that act was passed to take 
away from our gold coinage this important function. 

"It is true that the acts of February 28, 1878, and of July 14, 1890, 
respectively, made silver dollars ad United States Treasury notes legal 
tender for all debts, public and private, except where otherwise ex- 
pressly stipulated in the contract, but these provisions in no way 
affected the monetary unit of value adopted in 1873. The acts of July 
14, 1890, and of November 1, 1893, both contain substantial assurances 
of the purpose of the United States to maintain a parity of value be- 
tween its gold and silver coins. Although United States notes and 
Treasury notes are by law redeemable in coin, the invariable practice 
of the Treasury Department since 1879 has been to redeem them in 
gold coin. 

"I have recited the provisions of these several acts that it may appear 
that no departure is intended by this bill from the public policy which 
was adopted years ago and has been consistently adhered to through 
successive administrations. 

"If the official interpretation given to the acts I have referred to had 
met with general acquiescence and approval, there would have been 
no reason for the enactment of the legislation here proposed. Un- 
fortunately, the men who have recently taken possession of the organi- 
zation of one of the great political parties persistently deny that these 
various laws have the force and effect which have been repeatedly 

152 SOl'XD MOXEY. 

given to them by Democratic and Republican administrations alike. 
It is to allay the doubts which have been raised and to dispel the (Vars 
which have been aroused by the persistent antagonism of the friends 
of the free coinage of silver and the advocates of a silver standard to 

all sound monetary principles that this legislation is necessary. 

* * * 

"No sane man can be found, outside of the ranks of the small band 
of bhl, able, and aggressive leaders who at present dominate the policy 
of the Democratic party, who believes for an instant that the opening 
of our mints to the free coinage of silver at the ratio of 10 to 1 will 
raise the value of silver bullion from its current commercial price to 
its mint price measured with relation to gold. Outside of this Chamber 
there is no political economist of reputation, no writer upon the subject 
of money whose opinion is of value, who d-.cs not believe that the free 
coinage of silver by the I'nited States at the ratio of 1<; to 1, without 
concurrent action on the part of tin- great commercial nations, would be 
equivalent to an adoption of the silver standard for all our transactions, 
public and private. 

"The Democratic advocates of free coinage are not in any sense hi- 
mctallists, but silver monometallists of the most pronounced type. 
They reject all the theories upon which bimetallism can be intelligently 
defended, and persistently advocate a course which is sure to result 
in the use of silver alone as the standard of value. 

"It is not necessary for me to enlarge upon the evils, the loss, dis- 
credit, ami disaster which are sure to follow the adoption of a silver 
standard by this country. If, as now seems certain, we are to have 
another contest between the friends of sound currency and the advo- 
cates of free silver coinage, it is fortunate for those who f;> \ or the 
existing status that they will be able to enter the campaign with the 
consciousness that all the pledges made by them in 1S!MI have been 
fully redeemed and that the monetary issues between the parties are 
at least clearly defined." 

The currency law does something more than remove all doubt con- 
(ruing the standard of value. It directs that all forms of money issued 
or coined by the United States shall be maintained at a parity of value 
with this standard, and it is made the duty of the S'-cn-tary of the 
Treasury to maintain such parity. A reserve fmid of Si 50,000,000 in 
gold coin and bullion is set apart in the Treasury for the redemption 


of United States notes of 1890, instead of $100,000,000 formerly rec- 
ognized as the gold reserve. Such fund is required to be used for 
redemption purposes only. Ample provision is made for restoring the 
reserve fund in case it shall fall below the $150,000,000 required to 
be maintained. 

The act also contains provisions which give greater liberty to the 
organization of national banks. Under the old law no national bank 
could be organized with a capital less than $50,000. Under the new 
law the minimum capital required for organization is $25,000 in places 
the population of which does not exceed 3,000 inhabitants. The object 
of this provision is to extend better banking facilities to those smaller 
communities heretofore denied the privilege of organizing national 
banks. At the same time, the law contains a provision authorizing 
the banks to issue their calculating notes to the par of the United 
States bonds deposited as security, instead of only 90 per cent, as 
formerly. This illiberal requirement either resulted in meager profits 
to national banks issuing circulating notes, or, as was the case in 
some localities, in actual losses, the effect of which was to restrict the 
issuing of circulating notes. Such restriction was most severety felt 
in those communities where currency wants were greatest. 

Perhaps the most notable feature of the new currency law is that 
which relates to the refunding of the national debt. The 5 per cents 
of 1904, the 4 per cents of 1907, and the 3 per cents of 1908, the principal 
of which aggregates $839,146,400, are authorized to be refunded into 
2 per cent bonds, payable at the pleasure of the United States after 
thirty years from the date of their issue, and payable, principal and 
interest, in gold coin of the present standard value. The act contains 
a provision that the new 2 per cent bonds to be issued in exchange 
for the old threes, fours, and fives shall not be issued at less than par. 
The Secretary of the Treasury was authorized to conduct the refunding 
operations so that the old threes, fours, and fives should be received 
in exchange for the 2 per cents on a basis of 2j- per cent. 

The following statement exhibits the refunding operation under the 
law of July 1, 1900, showing the amount of bonds of each kind ex- 
changed since the law went into operation, March 11, 1900, together 
with the premium and the net saving of interest: 


Savings in 






S living. 




si, SI 5, 9 5- 










Th roes of 19ns 
Kmirs of I!in7. 
Fives of 1904 

Total $307,125,350 $3S,;i.\7U 130,773,034 s7.M'J.71o 

Of this total <f s: > ,o7.lL ) .".: > .r.n Otter ssn.000,000, or nearly 27 per cent, 
\vjis received from persons and institutions other than national banks. 

The net saving shown ly this statement represents the difference 
between the amount of interest the < lovernment will pay upon the bonds 
lefunded to the date of their respective maturities and the amount the 
< lovei-nmeiit would be obliged to pay had not tin- bonds been refunded. 

As showing the uses the new bonds are largely serving, it may be 
noted that of the total issue s.">i>7,r_'V.~i>. ihr Tieasury is the custodian 
of f^M-Ml :;,!."<. there behm SL'::7>!::.'.i:,0 deposited to secure circulation 
and sH,r,(i!l.LM)0 to senile public deposits. 

No other nation of the earth '-an show such an achievement as is 
the exchange of these old, high-rate inn-rest bonds for bonds issued 
upon so low a 1 '2 p.-r cent. Hitherto (ii.-;ut Britain has been re- 

garded as the financial Gibraltar of the world, but while British consols 
bearing interest ;:t the rate of L >: ( 1 per rent per annum were selling U 
points below par, the Knited States was able to float a '2 per rent bond 
at par with ease. Such fact speaks volumes for the present financial 
tn-ngth of the Tinted States. To float a "2 per cent bond at par of this 
kind means that the integrity of the dollar has been recognized in the 
law of the land, and there is faith in the honesty of our intentions and 
purposes for the future. 

The operations of legal tender redemption under the provisions of 
the law exhibits a highly satisfactory condition of public 'confidence in 
our (lovernment paper ami is a happy omen of the success of that 
branch of our mom-tar. in in the future. It appears from a state- 

ment of the Treasurer of the Knifed Slates that from March 14 to June 
30, 1900, the amount of the Knited States notes redeemed in ^old out of 
the reserve fund is .!">, and of Treasury notes of 1S90, S:;,:{j;ijr,7, 

a total of $21,01 LML'L'. 

The operation of the banking and currency provisions of the law 
shows considerable activity without any derangement of financial con- 


ditions. Figures obtained from official sources show that from March 
14 to June 30, 1900, 152 new banks were organized with a capital less 
than |50,000, and with an aggregate capital of |3,980,000, and in the 
same period 62 banks were organized with a capital of $50,000 and 
upwards with an aggregate capital of $7,895,000, making a total of 
banks organized 214, with an aggregate capital of $11,875,000. 

The bonds deposited by these new organizations to secure circu- 
lation amount to $3,650,600, or about 30 per cent of capital. 

The approved application for the organization of national banks 
in the period named number 302 banks with a capital less than $50,000, 
with an aggregate capital of $7,793,000, and 91 with a capital of $50,000 
and upwards, with an aggregate capital of $9,980,000, making a total of 
approved applications of 393, with an aggregate capital of $17,773,000. 

It is interesting to note the States which lead in approved appli- 
cations for the organization of banks and the investment of capital 
therein as shown by the official figures of the Comptroller's office. In 
approved application for banks with a capital less than $50,000, Iowa 
leads with 35, with an aggregate capital of $940,000. Pennsylvania 
holds the second place with 30 organizations and an aggregate capital 
of $755,000, followed by Texas, with 26 banks, and a capital of $683,000.. 

The Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, 

"There is more money in circulation per capita in the United States 
to-day than ever before in the history of the country. On July 1, the 
circulation per capita stood $26.50. This is an increase of $1.50 for every 
man, woman and child in the country since July 1, 1899. The total 
money in circulation on the 1st of this month was $2,062,000,000, and 
during the year, for the first time, the two billion dollar mark was 
reached and passed. There has been a great increase in the volume 
of the circulating medium since 1896. On July 1 of that year the total 
stood at $1,506,000,000, which represented a per capita circulation of 
$21.10. In the four years there has been an increase of $556,000,000, 
representing a per capita increase of $5.40. It will thus be seen that 
the increase of money in circulation has kept pace with the expanding 
industries and commerce of the country. 

"The most gratifying part of the gain which has been made lies in 
the fact that the greater part of the increase has been in gold, $436,000,- 
000 having been added to the gold stock of the United States since 

156 SOUND MOXl-:y. 

July 1, 1896, the increase being from $600,000,000 on the latter date to 
$1,036,000,000 July 1, 1000. Of the $1,036,000,000 of gold now in the 
rnited States more th.-in $815,000,000 is in circulation; that is, held 
by the banks and among tin- people. The Treasury holds $1.10,000,000 
as a reserve for the redemption of United States notes under the new 
currency law, while it also holds in gold coin and bullion assets in 
excess of the reserve to the extent of s I.'!,.". 1 .">. 1~.">. Four years ago the 
s<;0(),000,000 of gold in the country was made up of x I "..000,000 outside 
of the Treasury, $100,000,000 held in reserve for the redemption of 
Tinted States notes, $43,000,000 for the redemption of gold certificates, 
and the Treasury's assets in gold above the reserve were only si.sTl,- 
711. There has been an increase of gold in circulation during this 
period of more than $300,000,000, while the holding of the (iovernment 
has increased from less than $102,000,000 to almost $200,000,000. The 
si rength of the country and of the Treasury in gold is one of the factors 
of these prosperous times, and during the last four years the Treasury, 
instead of being a disturber of the business of the country, has been 
a source of decided encouragement." 

The Republican party has by its administration of the government 
restored confidence, sustained the credit of the nation and increased 
the money until the per capita circulation is larger than it ever was 
before, without in any way debasing the money, but by fortifying it so 
that every dollar in circulation whether of silver or paper is as good 
as gold. It has increased the silver coinage and has kept every dollar 
of silver issued as good as a gold dollar. The Republican party has 
done this by following the advice of President McKinley, who in 1SJHI 
said: "Open the mills and mines rather than the mints" to restore pros- 
perity. The mills and mines were first opened by the Diugley law and 
the prosperity brought to the country opened the mints for the coinage 
of more money. The laborer and the farmer are alike interested in 
having the best money in exchange for their labor and products. It 
should be money that will not change its value after it comes into their 
hands by depreciation. The banker or the millionaire can take care 
of himself and handle money of varying value without loss, by waiting 
and watdiing for the best opportunity to get rid of it to the best ad- 
vantage. The man dependent on his wages or the sale of his produce 
cannot wait. He receives it when due and he pays it out the next day 
or next week and only his savings represent his bank account. If it de- 


predates he is the loser. He will not get money that has the possibility 
of appreciation in the near future. The money changers will always hold 
on to that kind of money. They always have and the laborer has been 
the loser from debased money. President McKinley said in 1896: "The 
dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner, and the pensioner must con- 
tinue forever equal in purchasing and debt paying power to the dollar 
paid to the government creditor." 

Under McKinley's administration legislation has been enacted which 
insures this continuance and makes every other dollar as good as the 
gold dollar that must be paid to the bond-holder, when he calls for 
it in the redemption of his bond. 

The Democratic party has again put forward its demand for free 
coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Democratic convention had 


another great struggle in doing this. There was a majority of two for 
silver in the Committee on Resolutions. This majority was made up 
from the smaller states and territories with representatives from strong 
Republican states to help. The old conservative Democracy was again 
overruled, and by Mr. Bryan, who insisted that this silver resolution 
should be in the platform. This platform will again test the loyalty 
of Democrats to party or to country. They must choose as to which 
they will serve. 

Congressman Sibley of Pennsylvania, a Democrat in the House of 
Representatives, said when the financial bill was under consideration: 

"I, for one, have no pride of political opinion which I will place as 
a barrier to impede the triumphal march of the present order of affairs. 
With American homes bathed in the golden sunshine of prosperity my 
partisanship shrivels, as it ought, and my patriotism exults, as it should. 
Whatever our views political may be, love of country is not bounded 
by lines of party. The man or set of men who for political success 
would drag the car of progress which has emerged from the miasmatic 
low-lands back into the dismal swamp of despair is a worthy member 
of no party." 



For twenty years the great issue between the Republican and Demo- 
cratic parties was the tariff. The Republican party has always been 
the party of protection and has from its organization insisted oil the 
policy which began with the government, that the bulk of the revenues 
for the maintenance <>f the Federal government should come from tarilt 
duties levied upon imports which came into rompetitioii with the 
products of this country. The Democratic party has, especially since 
the civil war, been a party of free trade, favoring a revenue tariff with- 
out regard to the effect it should have on our own industries. The 
battle between these two contentions has been tierce at times, and both 
sides have had their victories. Hut the light seems to be ended. The 
protective policy has been so tirmly established that for the tirst time 
iu its history the Democratic party has ignored the tariff in its plat- 

Mr. l.ryan is not standing on the old Democratic platform of tariff 
for revenue only. His party has at last, apparently, abandoned that 
issue. The Democratic party has confessed that its promise of pros- 
perity under free trade has, like the promissory note of the insolvent 
delrtor, grown poorer every time it was renewed until il is absolutely 
valueless. The promises of the Republican party are never outlawed. 
They are redeemed. The promise of prosperity with protection has 
been redeemed and is beyond dispute. 

William McKinley's name was closer identified with the principle 
of protection than with any other political issue when he was elected 
President. He had for twenty years fought for and defended this great 
principle. He had been the great philosopher of protection. He was 
the champion of protection when he was nominated and elected Presi- 
dent. His administration has brought the final triumph of this principle 
in American politics, so that, it is recognized as not a party, but an 
American principle. In his speech at the Lincoln Banquet at the Mar- 
quette Hub in Chicago, February 12, 1SIHJ, Major McKinley said: 

"We are faithfully wedded to the jreai principle of protection by 
every tie of party fealty and affection, and it is dearer to us now than 



ever before. Not only is it dearer to us as Republicans, but it has 
more devoted supporters among the great masses of American people, 
irrespective of party, than at any previous period in our National his- 
tory. It is everywhere recognized and endorsed as the great, masterful, 
triumphant American principle the key to our prosperity in business, 
the safest prop to the Treasury of the United States, and the bulwark 
of our national independence and financial honor. The question of 
the continuance or abandonment of our protective system has been the 
one great, overshadowing, vital question in American politics ever 
since Mr. Cleveland opened the contest in December, 1887, to which the 
lamented James G. Elaine made swift reply from across the sea, and it 
will continue the issue until a truly American policy, for the good of 
America, is firmly established and perpetuated. The fight will go on 
and must go on until the American system is everywhere recognized, 
until all nations' come to understand and respect it as distinctly, and 
all Americans come to honor or love it as dearly, as they do the 
American flag. God grant the day may soon come when all partisan 
contention over it is forever at an end." 

That day seems to have arrived. The fight has gone on and it has 
become recognized that the principle is respected and honored as is 
the American flag. McKinley's administration has made it so. 

The fight for protection became more direct after the first Cleveland 
administration and the attempt of that administration to change the 
policy of the government to free trade. 

In the Republican convention of 1888, Major McKinley was Chair- 
man of the Committee on Platform and wrote the tariff plank. He made 
it a declaration for protection, not merely a protective tariff. He left 
no chance for evasion. The plank read : 


"We are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of pro- 
tection; we protest against its destruction as proposed by the President 
and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the 
interests of America. We accept the issue and confidently appeal to 
the people for their judgment. The protective system must be main- 
tained. Its abandonment has always been followed by general disaster 
to all interests, except those of the country, and we heartily endorse 


the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican representatives 
in Congress in opposing its passage." 

The McKiuley tariff law was the outcome of the Republican victoi y 
that year. It brought prosperity, and President Harrison in his I;IM 
message to Congress said, "There has never been a time in our history 
when work was so abundant or when wages were so high." It was 
enacted just before the election in 1890 and the increased price in a 
few products frightened the American people so thai the party was 
defeated at the polls that year. In 1892 the Democrats won a national 
victory, elected Mr. Cleveland President for the second time, and two 
years later succeeded in enacting the \Vilson-Ciorman tariff law. Mr. 
Cleveland was not satisfied because the law did not go far enough 
toward his theory of free trade, and he denounced it as an act of "per- 
fidy and dishonor," but he allowed it to become a law without his 
signature. That law came nearer bankrupting the whole American 
people than any legislative act in the history of the government. 

The Republican platform of 189G renewed allegiance to the "policy 
of protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence and 
the foundation of American development and prosperity." The Demo- 
cratic party that year denounced as "disturbing to business the Ke- 
publican threat to restore the McKinlev law." The result of the 
restoration of protection is the only safe criterion to judge its usefulness. 
The Dingley law which was enacted at the extraordinary session of 
Congress five months after McKinley "s inauguration, has redeemed the 
Uepublican promise and so condemned the Democratic position on this 
question that it has apparently converted the Democratic party of 
its mistake, and caused it to ignore the tariff as an issue in its platform 
this year. 

The results of protection are clearly shown in the record of the last 
ten years. The record of business failures under the McKiuley law, 
Wilson law and Dingley law show this very forcibly. The number of 
failures in the calendar year 1892, the last year under Presiden* Har- 
rison, was 1(),.'U4, and in 1SI):>, the first year under a Democratic 
President, 15,242, an increase of practically 50 per cent; and in 1S9(>, 
the last year of Democratic rule, 10,088. The amount of liabilities in 
1892, the last year under President Harrison, was f 114,000,000, and 
the amount in 1893, the first Drm-.cratic year, was s:>, j(;,000,000, or 
more than three times as much as in the last Republican year; and 


that of 189G, the last Democratic and low-tariff year, was $226,000,000, 
while in 1897, the first year under President McKinley, the liabilities 
dropped to $154,000,000, and in 1899, the liabilities had fallen to but 
$90,000,000, or about one-fourth those of 1893; and the total number of 
failures was about 9,337, against more than 15,000 in the last year of 

The clearing house returns of the United States present another 
index of activity of business. The clearing house returns of the entire 
country amounted to $60,000,000,000 in 1892, the last Republican year, 
and had dropped to $45,000,000,000 in 1894, the year in which low- 
tariff was enacted, and were less than $52,000,000,000 in 1896; while in 
1898, the first full year under the Dingley tariff, they were $65,000,000,- 
000, and in 1899 were within a fraction of $89,000,000,000, or practically 
double those of the year in w r hich the Wilson low-tariff law was en- 

Take, again, the record of the railways of the United States, that 
accurate register of commercial activity. The freight carried shows 
in 1894, the year in which the low-tariff law was enacted, a drop of 
83,000,000 tons, or more than 10 per cent of the entire business as com- 
pared with the year in which a Democratic President was inaugurated, 
and 1898, under McKinley and the Dingley law, shows an increase of 
124,000,000 tons as compared with 1897, the year in which the Wilson 
low-tariff act was repealed, and an increase of 230,000,000 tons over 
the year in which the Wilson law was enacted. Meantime the net 
earnings dropped from an average of $2,000 per mile during several 
preceding years to $1,800 per mile during the entire low-tariff period, 
and in 1898 again passed the $2,000 per mile line, being for that year 
$2,111 as the average earnings per mile of the railroads of the United 

The effect of this depression upon the employees under the low 
tariff is shown by the fact that the number of men employed by railways 
fell in 1894, the year of the enactment of the Wilson law, nearly 100,- 
000 below the number employed in 1893, while the earnings also showed 
a marked decrease. In 1898, the first full } T ear under the Dingley 
tariff, the number of employees was, in round terms, 100,000 greater 
than in 1894, and the amount paid in wages $50,000,000 greater than 
in 1895, while the year 1899 showed an increase of 149,000 employees 


over 1894 and $75,000,000 increase in the wages paid, as compared 
with 1894 or 1895. 

On the question of mortgages, of which wo heard so much in Ix'.u;, 
the single State of Nebraska presents ligures to show that the value 
of mortgages filed in 1897, the first year under President McKinley, 
and the year in which the protective-la HIT law was enacted, amounted 
to but $15,630, 721, against $34,601,318 in 18!::, the tirst year under a 
Democratic President and low-tariff < 'ongress, and x:;i,69';).or>4 the year 
in which the low-tariff law was enacted, while the value of the mort- 
gages released in lsis, \\\^ \\\-*\ full year under the protective' tarilT, 
was $27,498,070 against $18,213,382 in 1S!>6, the first year of Mr. Bryan's 

The deposits in the savings banks are a good register of business. 
The deposits from national banks fell from si, 77 1,000,000 in 1892, 
President Harrison's last \ear, to si,:, 7 1,000,000 in 18!KI, a reduction 
of $200,000,000, and in the last year of the Democratic term they were 
but xl,(;i;r,.ooo,000, increasing to xl,7<;o,000,000 in 1897, XL\07:i,000,000 
in 1898, and $2,005,000,000 in 1899 an increase of more than a billion 
dollars in 1899 as compared with 1893. 

State banks also show an equally remarkable record, their total 
deposits in ISIHI being almost double those of 1X94. Loan and trust 
companies show in 1S9!) deposits amounting to 835,000,000, against 
$471,000,000 in 1894. Savings banks show a reduction of s:; 1,000,000 
in their deposits in 1X!)4 as compared with .Iiine :iO. IxiKS, while those 
of June 30, 1899, are $310,000,000 greater than for June 30, Ix'.U. 
Taking the record of all classes of banks -national. State, loan and 
trust companies, savings banks, and private banks the total deposits 
on June 30, 18!)!), were S6,X53,381,000, against s|,667,9:!0,328 in 1894, 
the year of the enactment of the Wilson law, an increase of more than 
$2,000,000,000 or almost .";() per cent, and practically all of this increase 
occurred after the election of President McKinley and a proiective- 
tariff Congress. 

The per capita money in circulation in 18!)2, the Lu I year under 
President Harrison, was si'i.n. By ix'ji; it had dropped to $21.10 and 
in spite of the prediction that 5i could not increase without the free 
and unlimited coinage of silver and the retention of a low tariiT, it 
has, under McKinley, the protective-tariff, and the gold standard, in- 
creased to $26.58 per capita on May 1, 1!)00, an increase of 20 per cent 


in the per capita circulation, of 25 per cent in the total money in cir- 
culation, and of 64 per cent in the gold and gold certificates in circula- 
tion; the total of the gold and gold certificates on July 1, 1896, the 
date of Mr. Bryan's nomination, being f 497,000,000, and on May 1, 1900, 
$814,000,000, while the total money on July 1, 1896, was $1,306,434,966, 
and on May 1, 1900, $2,060,523,463 and without the "free and un- 
limited coinage of silver." 

The return of the protection policy under the McKinley administra- 
tion did more than revive our domestic industries. It did what the 
Democrats had long insisted could only come under a free trade policy 
it gave the United States a larger share in the trade of the world 
than had ever before been known. The showing made by the Dingley 
law in this respect has excited the astonishment of the civilized world. 

Starting w T ith 1892, the first full year of hitherto unequal ed pros- 
perity under the workings of the McKinley tariff, our exports of do- 
mestic merchandise for the first time reached the billion-dollar mark. 
For that year the exports were $1,015,732,011 and the imports were 
$827,402,462. In 1893, the first year of Cleveland and tariff reform, our 
exports fell off $170,000,000 and our imports increased $40,000,000. In 
1895, when the Wilson free trade tariff had gotten in its deadly work, 
exports fell to $793,392,590, and our visible trade balance fell from 
$173,000,000 in 1892 to only a little over $60,000,000 in 1895. Not 
until 1897, after the restoration of the protective policy, did we again 
touch the billion mark in our export trade. That year the total of 
exports was $1,032,007,603, against imports of $764,730,412, leaving a 
favorable trade balance of $267,277,191. 

The fiscal year of 1898, the first year of the Dingley tariff, saw a 
tremendous advance in our <sales of American products to foreign con- 
sumers. For 1898 the total of exports was $1,210,291,913, while our 
imports had fallen from $866,400,922 in 1893, to $616,049,654 in 1898. 
Here was a- trade balance which startled the world. It amounted 
to $594,242,259. For 1899 (fiscal year) the exports aggregated $1,203,- 
1)31,222 and the imports $697,148,489, leaving a trade balance of over 
$500,000,000, or upward of $1,100,000,000 for two consecutive years. 

The total foreign commerce of the United States during the fiscal 
year 1900 exceeds by 16 2-3 per cent that of any preceding year, being 
$320,000,000 greater than that of 1899, the heaviest one on record pre- 
ceding the one which has just ended. The total commerce of the year, 


as shown by the figures of the Treasury Bureau of Statistics, is $2,244,- 
193,543. The exports are $1,394,479,214, or $163,000,000 in excess 
of those of 1893, which held the record of the largest exports until the 
record of 1900 was made. All of the great classes show an increase 
in exportation; fisheries, a million dollars; mining and forestry, nearly 
10,000,000 each; a gri culture, nearly $50,000,000; and manufactures 
nearly $100,000,000 over the phenomenal year 1S99. 

Imports are also heavy, especially in the class designated as "articles 
in a crude condition which enter into the various processes of domestic 
industry.'* Of the five great classes of imports, articles in a crude con- 
dition for use in manufacturing show by far the greatest growth. Manu- 
factures show a gain of about $20,000,000 over last year; articles of 
voluntary use, luxuries, etc., also about $20,000,000; articles of food, 
about $15,000,000; articles wholly or partially manufactured for use 
in manufacturing, $25,000,000, and articles in a crude condition which 
ent( r into the various processes of domestic industry over $75,000,000. 
The m<si noticeable features of the year's commerce are: 
1st. The increase in imports of manufacturers' materials not pro- 
duced at home. 

2nd. The increase in exports of manufactured articles; and 
.">rd. The fact that the foreign commerce for the first time in the 
fiscal year record crossed ihe $2,000,000,000 line. Imports of manu- 
facturers' materials form in fact nearly one-half the total importations 
if we consider as manufacturers' materials the class "articles wholly or 
partially manufactured for use as materials in the manufactures and 
mechanic arts." They alone amount to about $90,000,000, while "articles 
in a crude condition which enter into the various processes of domestic 
industry" amount to over (300,000,000. Thus the manufacturers' mater- 
ials imported during the year amount to about s. 100,000,000 out of a 
total of SS49,000,000. In 1SJIO manufacturers' materials, including 
both classes articles in a crude condition, and articles wholly or par- 
tially manufactured for use in manufacturing formed 33 per cent of 
the imports; in 1895 they formed .",7 per cent; in 1s9(>, 37 per cent; in 
1898, 42 per cent ; in 1S99, 1 1 per cent, and in 1900, 40 per cent. Taking 
raw materials alone, the group classified as "articles in a crude con- 
dition which enter into the various processes of domestic industry," 
the per cent which they formed of the total importation was, in 1885, 
L'o.r.i per cent; in 1890, 23.00 per cent; in 1899, :M.SL> per cent, and 


in 1900, 35.75 per cent. To put it in a single sentence, the imports of 
the year increased $152,000,000, of which increase two-thirds was in 
manufacturers' materials, and the exports increased $167,000,000, of 
which increase one-half was manufactured articles. 

Under the Dingley law the United States began to invade the mar- 
kets of the world with American manufactured products in a way to 
surprise our own people and those of other manufacturing countries 
which are our rivals. The statistics giving the sales of American 
manufactures for the past ten years show a remarkable change in this 
export trade. For the first four years of this decade from 1890 to 1900 
we bought from foreigners more than double the manufactures we 
sold to them. 

In 1890 the imports of this character were, in round numbers, $356,- 
000,000, and the exports $151,000,000. Neither the totals nor the pro- 
portions varied materially until 1894, when, in anticipation of the lower 
duties soon to come under a free trade administration, imports fell off 
to $237,000,000, while exports rose to $183,000,000. The domestic manu- 
facturer was working off at cut prices his surplus of stocks, which 
American consumers were too poor to buy. In 1896 we bought of for- 
eigners $333,000,000 and sold to them $228,000,000 of manufactured 
goods. In 1897 we bought less ($304,000,000) and sold more ($277,000,- 
000). The Dingley tariff then began to show its value to industiy, 
trade and commerce. In 1898 the imports of manufactures dropped to 
$230,000,000, because the domestic producer was furnishing an in- 
creased proportion and foreigners a decreased proportion of the goods 
consumed by Americans. 

But this w r as not all. Our exports of manufactures in that year 
rose to $290,000,000, and for the first time in our history we sold the 
outside world more manufactured goods than we bought. The differ- 
ence in our favor was about $60,000,000. For the last fiscal year, ending- 
June 30, 1899, this grand record w r as surpassed. While we increased 
to $259,000,000 the amount of foreign goods bought, because our people 
were now better able to indulge their taste for luxuries of foreign pro- 
duction, we increased to $338,667,794 our sales of manufactured goods 
to the outside world. And we did even better the last fiscal year, our 
sales of manufactured exports amounting to nearly $440,000,000, or 
more than $1,000,000 a day in manufactured products alone going 


In 1890 our exports of manuactures formed l(i.(i per cent of our total 
exports. In 1900 the percentage h;is risen to 29.7, or almost double the 
proportion of ten years ago. This is the record, after two years and a 
half of restored protection of American labor and industry, of a country 
which free traders used to tell us was destined by Providence to sell 
to the outside world food shift's and raw materials exclusively. 

Mr. Frank A. Yandcrlip, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, sums 
up the year's commerce of the t'nited Siat>-s in these words: 

"We have just witnessed the close of a marvelous year in the foreign 
trade. We rejoiced exceedingly a year ago when the value of our ex- 
ports reached $1,227,000,000. We were happy at the close of IS'.JS, when 
the total of exports was si.L':U,000,000, and we were demonstrative in 
1897, when, after a long and trying period of business depression, the 
exports for the second time in our history . \ ( . .-del #1,000,000,000, and 
stood at $3,050,000,000. These years we have been accustomed to refer 
to as phenomenal. No other adjective seemed to be adequately expres- 
sive of the gigantic totals which have been readied by the swelling tide 
of prosperous times. Yet HM-M- yean, fraught with such gratifying 
development, were only the basis for still greater gains. In the year 
which has just dosed we have made a new mark, for the exports for 
the fiscal year of is'.to stand at si, jOl).00<U>00. That is SI 7:1,000,000 of 
a gain over last year, SI r.l). 000,000 greater than in the banner year 
1S1JS, and $350,000,000 more than in 1S07. It is s:,l 7,0110,000 more than 
in 1896. 

"When we come to examine in detail the record of the year, we find 
that manufactures have made the largest increase. The exports of 
manufactured products during the year under consideration were $75,- 
000,000 greater than in 1S99. There is an inn-ease of $50,000,000 in 
exports of agriculture, and in the products of the mines an increase 
of nearly xlO,;>00,000, while the fisheries are 2,000,000 larger than 
last year. 

"The total exports of manufacture of iron and steel are in the neigh- 
borhood of $120,1)00,0(10, which is an increase of 20 per cent over 1899. 

"The imports of the year just dosed will be in the neighborhood of 
s^:,0,000,000, thus insuring a trade balance for the year exceeding half 
a million dollars. Our trade balances since 189(1 have surprised the 
world. In 1S<>7 we sold abroad $280,000,000 more than we bought; in 
1S9S Si; 1 5,000,000 and in 1899 $529,000,000. Adding the great balance 


of 1900, the last four years has shown a total balance In our favor of 
$1,980,000,000, which is more than five times the balance in our favor 
during 108 years, from 1790 to 1896. 

"The revenues of the Post Office Department make a better showing 
this year than in any other of the present decade. The receipts aggre- 
gate 1102,287,458, and the expenditures f 107,776,704, leaving a deficit 
to be supplied from the ordinary funds in the Treasury of $5,489,245. 
Last year the deficit was $6,610,000. It was $9,020,000 in 1898, and 
$11,411,000 in 1897. 

"The excess of receipts over expenditures in the Treasury for the 
fiscal year 1900 amounts to $81,275,156, but this is the first surplus we 
have had in several years. 

"The receipts from customs during the last year aggregate $233,- 
857,958, which is an increase over the preceding year of $27,729,477. 
This substantial increase represents the normal operation of the Dingley 

"The internal revenue receipts for the year stand at $296,299,388, 
which is an increase of $22,862,227 over the fiscal year of 1899. 

"Miscellaneous receipts stand at $38,831,601, which is an increase 
of about $2,500,000 over the preceding year. Now, while all the reven- 
ues have been increasing substantially, expenditures have been de- 

"The present position of the Treasury is one of great strength. Of 
course, the $150,000,000 fund in gold coin and bullion reserved in the 
Division of Redemption, according to the terms of the new currency 
law, is intact. What we now call the general fund that is, the money 
over and above the reserve requirements makes an available cash 
balance of $151,717,167. 

"The outlook of the Treasury financiering for the coming year is 
a prosperous one. Should the receipts continue at the present rate it 
is altogether likely that the new session of Congress will speadily un- 
dertake to repeal the war revenue act, or so much of the taxes levied 
under it as can be spared." 

These figures giving results from two different tariff systems speak 
with more force than do many other arguments. They demonstrate 
the truth of President McKinley's assertion in 1892 that "Protection 
builds up; a revenue tariff tears down. Protection brings hope and 


courage to the heart and home; free trade drives them from both. 
Free trade levels down, protection levels up." 

The Democratic tariff bill leveled down the industrial conditions 
of this country to those of the old world where pauper labor is common. 
The Dingley tariff law leveled up these conditions to the American 
standard of independent labor. It justified the tariff plank in the Re- 
publican platform for this year which is as follows: 

"We renew our faith in the policy of the protection to American 
labor. In that policy our industries have been established, diversified 
and maintained. By protecting the home market competition has been 
stimulated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive 
genius of our people has been secured and waives in every department 
of labor maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and 
always distinguishing our working people in their better condition of 
life from those of any competing country." 

The Democratic party lias abandoned its free trade policy for this 
campaign, but it is an old heresy with which Mr. Bryan and his party 
are tainted, for they saw visions and dreamed dreams of prosperity 
through free trade before they began to dream of national wealth 
through the free coinage of silver, and were Mr. I.ryan elected President 
with a Democratic Congress, he would be induced to try both experi- 
ments without regard to past experiences. It should be remembered 
that Mr. Bryan won his first notice as a free trade orator, and in the 
52nd Congress he was as ardent and extravagant in his advocacy of 
free trade as he was four years ago in his advocacy of free coinage or 
as he is now in denouncing imperialism. Free trade was his paramount 
issue only six years ago, and as a member of the Ways and Means 
Committee he assisted in framing the Wilson-Gorman Tariff bill which 
brought upon this country its greatest commercial calamity. 



The wonderful voyage of the Oregon from San Francisco to Santiago 
and the anxiety of the American people over the magnificent battleship 
during that perilous run around the South American coast, was in large 
measure responsible for the new position taken by the United States 
Government in reference to an isthmian canal. The nation, as it waited 
for the news from each point at which the battleship touched, and grew 
anxious over the perils to which it was subjected, not only from the dan- 
gers of the seas through which it had to pass, but also from the Spanish 
torpedo flotilla which sought its destruction, determined that there 
must be a shorter route for our navy between the Atlantic and Pacific 
coast lines which it must defend. The isthmian canal must be under 
American control. This is now the American policy. The government 
will construct the canal and control it, but the policy of neutralization 
will be adopted as has always been contemplated, because this is the 
policy governing every great international waterway in the world where 
it passes through territory not actually a part of the nation in control. 
The President and Congress favor the policy of having the government 
construct and own the Nicaraguan canal. The President has done his 
part to enable the government to do this. He has negotiated a new 
treaty with Great Britain by which the latter power agrees to withdraw 
from, the partnership entered into by the two governments in the 
Clayton-Bulwer treaty. This partnership has been in existence for fifty 
years. By the Clayton-Bulwer treaty the governments of the United 
States and Great Britain declared that neither the one nor the other 
would ever obtain or maintain for itself the exclusive control over a ship 
canal across the isthmus, agreeing that neither would ever erect or 
maintain any fortifications commanding the same, or in the vicinity 
thereof, or occupy, or fortify, or colonize, or assume, or exercise any 
domain over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Mosquito coast, or any part of 
Central America; nor would either make use of any protection which 
either afforded, or of any alliance which either had or might have to or 
with any State or people to secure such control. The Clayton-Bulwer 



treaty was, in short, a contract that any canal connect in--- the Atlantic 
and Pacific oceans and across Central America should be under the joint 
control of the two nations. It was a partnership, and it has been the 
greatest barrier to the construction of an isthmian canal for the past 
half century. 

The present administration has taken the first important step to 
dissolve that partnership and enable the United States to construct and 
control an isthmian canal connecting the two oceans, and forming a 
waterway which will not only shorten the route of water transportation 
between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this country, but will estab- 
lish a highway for our navy in its work of protecting the coast, and 
make unnecessary such another marvelous feat as the voyage of the 
battleship Oregon from San Francisco around Tape Horn to join her 
sister ships in repelling a foreign enemy. 

The new treaty negotiated by Secretary Hay agrees that the canal 
may be constructed under the auspices of the Government of the United 
States, either directly at its own cost or by gift or loan of money to 
individuals or corporation, or through subscription to or purchase of 
stock or shares, and that subject to the convention this government shall 
have and enjoy all the rights incident to such const nut ion, as well as 
the exclusive right of providing for the regulation and management of 
the canal. 

This Hay-Pauncefote treaty does just what this government has been 
trying to find a way to do for many years. It disposes of the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty so far as that instrument obligated the United States to 
go into partnership with Great Britain in the control of the isthmian 
canal. This new treaty has not been ratified by the Senate. It requires 
two-thirds to ratify a treaty. The Republicans have not the necessary 
votes. The treaty w r ould have been in danger of defeat if submit ted to a 
, vote at any time during the last session by reason of Democratic oppo- 

A ship canal connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans has been 
the dream of navigators for many years, and that dream has become a 
practical necessity from a commercial and strategic point of view. It 
is about to be realized. The House of Representatives has passed a bill 
to provide for the acquisition of the territory necessary to the control 
of such a canal, and for its construction at the expense of the United 
States Government. The United States Senate has made this bill a 


special order for consideration on December 10, 1900, and the sentiment 
in that body is as favorable to the Nicaragua canal as it was in the 
House. The President also favors the proposed legislation, but for 
various reasons the House bill will have to be amended, and it will have 
to wait until something is done with the new treaty. The Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty is still the law of the land, and will remain so until modi- 
fied by the ratification of the Hay-Pauncefote treaty. The old treaty 
cannot be ignored. It must be modified, as provided for by the Hay- 
Pauncefote treaty, or it must be formally abrogated by Congress. The 
Senate is a part of the treaty-making power and must proceed in order, 
acting on the new treaty before it passes the House bill. There is no 
reason to believe that either will be long delayed or that the Nicaragua 
canal will not be begun during the next administration and the dream 
of a shorter waterway route to the Pacific realized within the next 

The Federal government began to consider the feasibility of an inter- 
oceanic canal seventy-five years ago, when the Panama Congress was 
called and this government sent delegates. In 1835 Henry Clay intro- 
duced a resolution in the Senate requesting the President to open 
negotiations with other nations regarding an isthmian canal. President 
Andrew Jackson discussed the proposition for a ship canal across the 
Isthmus of Panama in his message in 1837. In that message he called 
attention to the importance of making it clear that the canal should be 
neutral. In 1850 was negotiated the Clayton-Bulwer treaty with Great 
Britain by which the two governments declared that neither the one nor 
the other would obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive control over 
a ship canal by the Nicaragua route. In that treaty it was agreed that 
neither government would ever erect or maintain any fortifications com- 
manding the canal or in the vicinity thereof. This Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty was a partnership in inaugurating and protecting an inter-ocean 
canal across Nicaragua. They agreed to the neutrality of the canal 
when it should be constructed. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty was at our 
solicitation; it was done in pursuance of a long established policy. In 
it we provided for the free use of the canal by all nations, and also for 
the extension to Central America of our historical policy, called the 
Monroe Doctrine. The treaty pledged Great Britain to the observance 
of the Monroe Doctrine in Central America, and never to occupy, colo- 
nize or exercise dominion over any part of Central America. That was 


the first recognition given to the Monroe Doctrine by any foreign nation 
in a treaty. It served a good purpose. Great Britain did not strictly 
observe the treaty, but was compelled to do so. The position of the 
United States was well defined at that time. We did not want to annex 
or control any part of Central America, and we did not propose that any 
European nation should do so. We had declared this over and over 
again in resolutions by Congress and in treaties made with Central and 
South American Republics. We made a treaty w r ith New Granada in 
1846 which is still in force. That treaty declares: "The United States 
guarantees positively and efficaciously to New Granada, by the present 
stipulation, the perfect neutrality of the before-mentioned isthmus with 
the view that the free transit from the one sea to the other may not be 
interrupted or embarrassed." After the Clayton-Bulwer treaty we made 
a treaty with Nicaragua in 1867, which expressly provided that the 
United States should guarantee the neutrality of the Nicaragua canal. 
The Freylinghuysen-Zavala treaty of 1884 did not contain the neutrality 
clause, neither was it ratified. 

This government has time and again invoked the Clayton-Bulwer 
treaty to warn Great Britain to keep her hands off Central America. 
We have also sought to secure its modification, but with no success until 
now. The McKinley administration has negotiated a new treaty with 
Great Britain which modifies it so as to permit this government to con- 
struct the canal and control it. This treaty has been criticised, but it 
secures from Great Britain the one thing we have sought the annul- 
ment of the contract and the dissolution of the partnership entered into 
in 1850 for joint control and protection of an isthmian canal. 

The first plan for a canal was by private capital. The governments 
of the United States and Great Britain proposed to protect British and 
American capitalists who would venture their money in such an enter- 
prise. Capitalists did start in bravely, but they failed. The first authen- 
tic survey and actual location of a canal route across Nicaragua were 
made by Col. O. M. Childs in 1850, 1851 and 1852, at the instance of a 
transit company which had established trans-isthmian communication 
with California by steamer from Greytown via the San Juan River to 
Virginia Bay, on the west shore of Lake Nicaragua, and then by stage 
to San Juan del Sur, a small natural harbor on the Pacific coast about 
eight miles southeast of Brito. The river transportation proved trouble- 
some and uncertain at low stages, and the transit company sought 


means to better these conditions and to continue the water route across 
the narrow neck of land that separates the lake from the Pacific, with 
the object of securing a continuous depth of 17 feet. 

Childs found the ordinary high level of Lake Nicaragua to be 108 
feet above mean sea level. This difference of elevation was to be over- 
come by 14 locks on each side. The locks were to be 250 by 60 by 17 
feet; the bottom width of the canal 50 feet, increased to 90 feet at turn- 
outs, and of excavated channels in river and lake 150 feet. The total 
length of the proposed navigation was 194.4 miles. The total estimated 
cost of the project, including 15 per cent for contingencies, was $31,- 
538,319, based on the supposition that on the average the expense for 
construction would be about double the cost of similar work in the State 
of New York. 

In 1872 a United States expedition was fitted out for re-examination 
of the Childs route. It was conducted by Commander Lull of the Navy. 
It estimated the cost of the construction of a canal at $65,722,000. In 
1885 Mr. A. G. Menocal, under government direction, made a partial re- 
examination and his estimates were $64,000,000. In 1886 a number of 
private gentlemen met in New York City to consider the project of a 
ship canal by the Nicaragua route, and agreed to associate themselves 
for the purpose of taking, preliminary steps in the furtherance of that 
project. In March, 1887, these gentlemen dispatched Mr. A. G. Menocal 
to Nicaragua to negotiate a contract with the Nicaraguan Government 
granting the rights necessary for the construction of an inter-oceanic 
canal. In April, the same year, the contract negotiated between Mr. 
Menocal and Adam Cardenas, representing the Nicaraguan Govern- 
ment, was ratified and confirmed by the Nicaraguan Congress. In June 
of the same year the Nicaraguan Canal Construction Company was 
incorporated under the general laws of the State of Colorado. In July, 
1888, Mr. Menocal secured a contract with the Costa Rican Government, 
and in February, 1889, a bill incorporating the Maritime Canal Company 
of Nicaragua passed the House of Representatives. It had previously 
been passed by the Senate, and was signed by the President February 
20, 1899. The Maritime Canal Company met and organized under the 
provisions of this charter, in May, 1899, and a construction party was 
dispatched to Nicaragua to begin the work. In the first year the com- 
pany expended $3,099,971 in the work of construction, or one million 
more than required under their contract with Nicaragua. In January, 


1891, Senator Sherman introduced a bill in the Senate providing for the 
co-operation of the United States Government in the construction of 
the canal. The bill was favorably reported by the Committee on For- 
eign Relations, but did not reach a vote in the Senate. It was reintro- 
duced at the next session with similar result. In 1893 the Nicaragua 
Canal Construction Company failed and was placed in the hands of a 
receiver. Work on the canal was suspended. The aggregate money and 
interest accrued thereon expended up to that date was si,r(K),000. 

In 1895 the United States Senate passed an act guaranteeing bonds 
of the canal company to the extent of 170,000,000, in consideration of a 
share by the Government in the control of the canal and the ownership 
of $70,000,000 of the company's stock. This bill did not pass the House. 
In its place an agreement was finally reached by the act of Congress 
March 2, 1895, which authorized the appointment of a commission of 
three engineers for the purpose of reporting on the feasibility, perma- 
nence and cost of completion of the company's project, and the sum of 
$20,000 was appropriated for this purpose. 

The commission reported in November, 1895. They expressed their 
belief in the feasibility of a ship canal, but found it necessary to with- 
hold approval of several features of the company's plans, and in par- 
ticular deemed it prudent to increase the estimates of cost to $133,472, 
893, and advised that an expenditure of $350,000 would be necessary to 
obtain the additional data necessary for the formation of a final project. 
It was also advised that all locks should have a width of not less than 
80 feet, if the navigation be intended to provide for the passage of war 
vessels, to the U. S. S. Iowa and others of the same class having a beam 
of 72 feet 3 inches, and beams of 75 feet being contemplated. 

In March, 189G, the House Committee on Commerce reported a bill 
providing for the reorganization of the Maritime Canal Company, per- 
mitting the issue by the company of bonds to the amount of $100,000,000, 
of which sum $7,000,000 is to be retained to reimburse the company for 
money actually expended in Nicaragua for their franchise, the United 
States guaranteeing the principal and interest of the bonds, and to be 
protected in its liabilities by an issue of $100,000,000 of stock, to be 1 In- 
sole property of the Government, ten of the fifteen directors to represent 
the Government. 

Since then various bills have been considered by Congress and passed 
one house, but never reached the final stage of legislation. The con- 


cession of contract of the Maritime Canal Company expired October 10, 
1899. In October, 1898, the Eyre-Cragin syndicate secured a conditional 
concession from Nicaragua which gave them the exclusive privilege of 
constructing and owning a canal. This concession empowered Eyre and 
Cragin to treat with the Maritime Canal Company and obtain the 
recession of their concession from Nicaragua prior to October 9, 1899, 
and if such concession was not rescinded before that date they should 
proceed under their contract to build a canal. Such is in brief the his- 
tory of the effort to construct the Nicaragua canal by private capital. 
It failed. Two years ago Congress appropriated f 1,000,000 for a full 
investigation of the canal routes across the isthmus. The President 
proceeded to comply with the direction of Congress, and Admiral Wal- 
ker was placed at the head of a commission composed of the ablest gov- 
ernment and civil engineers to take charge of the work. There has been 
a large party of engineers engaged in that work ever since. The com- 
mission is not ready to report. It will be by the time Congress meets in 
December. It will give accurate information regarding all the canal 
routes across the isthmus. This report may change the plan of the pro- 
posed legislation in minor particulars. 

The bill which passed the House May 3, 1900, authorizes the Presi- 
dent to acquire from the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua for the 
United States control of such portion of the territory now belonging to 
those States as may be desirable and necessary to construct and protect 
a canal. It authorizes the President to direct the Secretary of War to 
construct a canal and also safe and commodious harbors at the termini 
of the canal, and provide for its protection. The sum of f 140,000,000 is 
appropriated for the work. 

There is no disagreement in Congress or with the administration as 
to the general policy of having the Government own and control an isth- 
mian canal. The one difference is as to the policy of fortifying it. The 
proposition to fortify is antagonistic to the general policy of this gov- 
ernment, and in violation of existing treaties not only with European 
powers but with Central American States. It is also at variance with 
the general policy of all governments regarding inter-oceanic canals. 
The Suez Canal, controlled by Great Britain, is neutralized. The Euro- 
pean powers, England, Germany, Austria, Spain, Russia, France, Italy, 
The Netherlands, and Turkey, entered into a compact in 1888 by which 
they agreed that "the Suez Maritime Canal shall always be free and 


open, in time of war and in time of peace, to every vessel of commerce 
or of war without distinction of flag." This treaty also declares that 
"the canal shall never be subjected to the exercise of the right of block- 

The Hay-Pauncefote treaty between the United States and Great 
Britain, signed February 5, 1900, and submitted to the Senate the same 
day, follows the same plan of neutralization. It is as follows: 


It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the auspices of 
the Government of the United States, either directly at its own cost or 
by gift or loan of money to individuals or corporations or through sub- 
scription to or purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the pro- 
visions of the present convention, the said Government shall have and 
enjoy all the rights incident to such construction, as well as the exclu- 
sive right of providing for the regulation and management of the canal. 


The High Contracting Parties, desiring to preserve and maintain the 
"general principle" of neutralization established in Article VIII of the 
Qayton-Bulwer Convention, adopt, as the basis of such neutralization, 
the following rmes, substantially as embodied in the convention be- 
tween Great Britain and certain other powers, signed at Constantinople, 
October 29, 1888, for the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime Canal, 
that is to say: 

1. The canal shall be free and open, in time of war as in time of 
peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war of all nations, on terms 
of entire equality, so that there shall be no discrimination against any 
nation or its citizens or subjects in respect of the conditions or charges 
of traffic or otherwise. 

2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of war be 
exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within it. 

3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictnal nor take any 
stores in the canal, except so far as may be strictly necessary; and the 
transit of such vessels through the canal shall be effected with the least 
possible delay, in accordance with the regulations in force, and with 
only such intermission as may result from the necessities of the service. 


Prizes shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels of 
war of the belligerents. 

4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions of 
war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of accidental hin- 
drance of the transit, and in such case the transit shall be resumed with 
all possible dispatch. 

5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters adjacent to 
the canal, within three marine miles of either end. Vessels of war of a 
belligerent shall not remain in such waters longer than twenty-four 
hours at any one time, except in case of distress, and in such case shall 
depart as soon as possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall 
not depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel of 
war of the other belligerent. 

6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works necessary to 
the construction, maintenance and operation of the canal shall be 
deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes of this convention, and in 
time of war as in time of peace shall enjoy complete immunity from 
attack or injury by belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their 
usefulness as part of the canal. 

7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or the 
waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at liberty to 
maintain such military police along the canal as may be necessary to 
protect it against lawlessness and disorder. 


The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the exchange 
of the ratifications of this convention, bring it to the notice of the other 
powers and invite them to adhere to it. 


The present convention shall be ratified by the President of the 
United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, 
and by her Britannic Majesty; and the ratifications shall be exchanged 
at Washington or at London within six months from the date hereof, or 
earlier if possible. 

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this 
convention and thereunto affixed their seals. 


Done in duplicate at Washington, the fifth day of February, in the 

year of Our Lord one thousand nine hundred. 



The Senate may amend that treaty. There is an amendment, pro- 
posed by Senator Davis of Minnesota, pending, which is as follows: 

"Insert at the end of Section 5 of which two the following: 'It is 
agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing conditions and 
stipulations in Sections 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5 of this act shall apply to measures 
which the United States may find it necessary to take for securing by 
its own forces the defense of the United States and the maintenance of 
public order.' " A majority of the Committee on Foreign Relations favor 
this amendment, and believe that so amended the new treaty will be a 
happy escape from the restrictions of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty and the 
certain first step in the ownership of an isthmian canal by the < lovern- 
ment of the United States. It will also provide for the use of t hat canal 
in the defense of this country. 

There is a peaceful and practical way of accomplishing results as 
well as a belligerent and impractical way. The United Stales is no\v 
at peace with all nations of the world. It is seeking to maintain these 
peaceful relations and follow the destinies of the Republic without pro- 
voking an unnecessary conflict with any other nation. The duty of (he 
President is to settle all foreign questions by diplomacy if possible. In 
this case the State Department succeeded in securing the modification 
of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, which was desired and necessary to carry- 
ing out the new American policy of an American canal built by this 
Government and controlled by it. It is another achievement of the 
administration without bombast or belligerency. Congress did not 
know it was contemplated until it was accomplished, but the adminis- 
tration act fitted into the plans of Congress to legislate for a government 
canal. The treaty came as a surprise, but it furnished the bridge over 
which Congress could pass without breaking the faith of this Govern- 
ment by violating a treaty with a friendly power. It was one of those 
happy achievements of diplomacy which made possible what the most 
ardent tail-twisters in Congress were demanding because it seemed 
impossible. Whatever credit is due Congress for taking advance ground 
on canal legislation, to the McKinley administration is due the credit 


for placing the proposed legislation above the suspicion of a violation of 
a treaty obligation the highest law of the land. The possibilities of 
an isthmian canal have been exploited for many years. It will unite the 
Atlantic and Pacific coasts for commerce and for national defense. It 
will facilitate the exchanges of the products of the East and the West, 
and also the commerce with South America. It will furnish the open 
channel for a direct circumnavigation of the globe on one parallel and 
from Porto Eico on the East to Hawaii and the Philippines to the West 
the sea will be under the protection of the United States flag. 




The expansion policy of the United States is almost as old as the Gov- 
ernment. It began with the beginning of the century just closing. The 
people and their representatives in Congress and in the Executive office 
began to look across the Mississippi river with longing eyes when Wash- 
ington was President The mouth of the Mississippi river was con- 
trolled by Spain. Our commerce from the South and West on that great 
waterway could only reach the international waters of the ocean and the 
Gulf by passing through a foreign gateway. The statesmen of that time 
clearly saw that this Government must secure that gateway to insure 
independence for the commerce of the country that had been won for 
the conscience and political rights of the people. They set about finding 
a way to secure this gateway. The people of the West claimed that "The 
Mississippi is ours by the law of nature," and in their remonstrance 
against the existence of that foreign gateway declared : "If Congress re- 
fuses us effectual protection, if it forsakes us, we will adopt the measures 
which our safety requires, even if they endanger the peace of the Union 
and our connection with the other States. No protection, no allegiance." 
The people of the older States on the Atlantic coast caught up the cry 
of their relatives and fellow-citizens in the West and emphasized the de- 
mand on Congress and on the President for relief by regulation, and if 
that failed by war. 

President Jefferson saw the growing discontent and endeavored to 
quiet it by assurances of action. He transmitted to Congress December 
22, 1802, a message in which he said that he was aware of the obligation 
to maintain in all cases the rights of the Nation and to employ for that 
purpose those great and honorable means which belong to the character 
of the United States. In reply the House of Representatives reminded 
the President that they held it to be their duty "to express their un- 
alterable determination to maintain the boundaries and the rights of 
navigation and commerce through the river Mississippi as established by 
existing treaties." 



President Jefferson began negotiations with Spain which failed. 
Spain then retroceded the Louisiana Territory to France and Napoleon 
offered to cede it to the United States. This was done in 1803, and the 
United States expansion policy began. It has continued from that time 
to this, all parties and all administrations being forced to follow the de- 
mands of the people for better trade opportunities. It has never meant 
imperialism, though the few opponents of each act of expansion raised the 
cry of imperialism, just as the Democratic leaders are raising it now. 

The original thirteen States held title to little more than one-fourth of 
the present extent of territory within the United States. The other 
three-fourths w r ere the result of expansion, and this expansion was by 
the old Democratic party of Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson. It was 
by conquest and purchase and discovery. It was without the consent of 
the governed. In some instances it was charged that it had imperialism 
as its inspiration to make more powerful the old slave power of the South. 
That party led by Jefferson and Monroe reached out after Cuba, the 
Danish West Indies, Yucatan and the Hawaiian Islands. Whatever the 
inspiration for this expansion it was by the greatest statesmen the coun- 
try has produced, and it has become the seat of the most democratic em- 
pire the world has ever known and the home of the purest democracy in 
the union of States. 

The Republican party is now following this old Democratic policy, 
the policy of Jefferson when he secured the Louisiana Territory. The 
only difference is that the policy was forced upon the Republican party 
as the result of a war for humanity. Hawaii came asking admission to 
the Union, and Congress voted almost unanimously and without party 
division to annex the islands. During the war with Spain the people of 
Porto Rico met the U. S. soldiers with flowers and fruits and enthusiastic 
speeches of welcome and asked for American flags. They desired to 
throw off the yoke of Spain and become a part of the United States. The 
Philippines were taken from Spain as indemnity for the war. Admiral 
Dewey, a Democrat, sailed into Manila Bay to carry out his orders to find 
and capture or destroy the Spanish fleet. He destroyed it, winning the 
most remarkable naval victory of modern times. He remained after the 
battle in possession of the bay, and the army followed to take Manila from 
the Spaniards. Spain surrendered the islands to the United States as 
indemnity for the war and transferred the sovereignty of the archipelago 
which the world had acknowledged hers for four hundred years. 


There has never been from the day of Dewey's victory over the 
Spanish fleet until now, a day or an hour when this Government could 
surrender the Philippines without shirking its responsibilities as a great 
world power. If there is in the future such a possibility, no man can see 
it. We had carried our flag to the Philippines, and must keep it there or 
withdraw it, leaving the flag of Spain over the islands. There was no 
other government or possibility of a government to contest that power 
with Spain. Other powers were ready to seize upon the islands if the 
United States withdrew. Their navies were in Manila Bay ready to stay 
and seize the fruits of Dewey's victory. 

This is the story in brief of the Republican expansion. It began in 
humanity and ended in duty. The duty remains. It cannot be shifted 
or shirked with honor. No party or administration can change it and 
retain the respect of the American people and most of the world. No 
opponent of the Administration has suggested a way to surrender the 
Philippines. They are American territory. That fact is settled beyond 
controversy. Congress has the power and the duty to fix the political 
status of the inhabitants of those islands. Congress will do this as it has 
fixed the political status of the inhabitants of other territorj- acquired. 
The Louisiana Territory was acquired nearly one hundred years ago. 
The last territory in that great empire of the West has been admitted to 
the Union of States within the last ten years. The Philippines will not 
be admitted to the Union until they can meet the same requirements of 
other territories seeking Statehood. This may never be. The archi- 
pelago may never be brought under the Constitution as a part of the 
United States, It will not be while it remains what it is with a great 
population wholly dissimilar to the population of this country and un- 
qualified for participation in the Government of the United States. 
Dewey did not carry the Constitution to Manila nor did the Peace Com- 
missioners send it there. Congress is the only power that can place the 
Constitution in the Philippines. Congress can legislate for these islands 
without giving them a right to help in the legislation for this country. 
Congress can give them a civil government as free as that of any State 
when they are fitted for it, without giving them freedom of trade with 
this country. Congress has done that with Porto Rico. This is not im- 
perialism. It is the same kind of expansion we had in the Louisiana Ter- 
ritory and in Oregon and in the territory acquired from Mexico. The 
beginning was the same, with the exception that in the treaty with Spain 


this Government did not agree to make the inhabitants citizens of this 
Republic, but left that power in the hands of Congress. The Federal 
v courts have held that act constitutional. Porto Rico and the Philippines 
belong to the United States, but are not a part of it under the consti- 

The Democrats of today are not the discoverers of imperialism in 
expansion. The Federalists of one hundred years ago discovered im- 
perialism in the Louisiana Purchase. They charged President Thomas 
Jefferson with seeking imperial powers in the acquisition of the terri- 
tory, and they advanced every argument against that act and employed 
every method in denunciation of the President and his party that have 
been employed by the opponents of expansion today. Jefferson was de- 
nounced as a perverter of the Government and a trampler on the consti- 
tution he had helped to create. The reports of Congressional proceed- 
ings of that day are filled with just such arguments and just such abuse 
of the President as the Democrats who claim to be followers of Jefferson 
are using today, and these were all against the acquisition of the terri- 
tory west of the Mississippi River, known as Louisiana. 

James G. Elaine, in volume 1, page 7, Twenty Years of Congress, 

"It seems scarcely credible that the acquisition of Louisiana by Jeffer- 
son was denounced with a bitterness surpassing the partisan rancor 
with which later generations have been familiar. No abuse was too 
malignant, no epithet too coarse, no imprecation too savage to be em- 
ployed by the assailants of the great philosophic statesman who laid 
so broad and deep the foundation of his country's growth and grandeur. 
President of a feeble Republic, contending for a prize which was held by 
the greatest military power of Europe, and whose possession was coveted 
by the greatest naval power of the world." 

In the debate in Congress on that proposition, Mr. Griswald of Con- 
necticut said it was not consistent with the spirit of republican govern- 
ment that this Louisiana territory should be so large. Mr. Lewis saw in 
it the advent of militarism, and Mr. Lucas said: "Without wishing to 
reflect upon the inhabitants of Louisiana, I would say they are not pre- 
pared for a Government like that of the United States." 

McMasters, in his History of the United States, says: 

"Never was the constitution more broadly construed than when the 
judiciary act was repealed and the Purchase of Louisiana effected. 


Never was the executive power more extended than when Jefferson was 
given despotic sway over the territory of New Orleans. Never was the* 
constitution more impudently disregarded than on the day when one 
rate of tonnage duty was laid in the ports of Louisiana and a very dif- 
ferent one in the ports of the states. The great mass of the men who 
in 1800 voted for Adams could in 1804 see no reason whatever for voting 
against Jefferson." 

He-Masters also says: 

"The Federalists controlled the clergy and the press, and summoned 
to their aid every charge which for four years past had been going the 
rounds of the newspapers. The old cries of French influence, ruin of the 
army, ruin of the navy, ruin of the judiciary, persecution of the Federal- 
ists, Virginia rule, taxation in New England, were heard again. God- 
fearing men were reminded of Jefferson's friendship for Thomas Paine. 
The shipwrights, the blacksmiths, the whitesmiths, the pump-makers, 
the block-makers, the pewterers, the coopers, and riggers were reminded 
of his hatred of mechanics and of his wish that our workshops might 
remain in Europe. 

"Taxpayers were bidden to recall the frightful extravagance of the 
administration, the great sums squandered in sending Republicans 
abroad to replace Federalists at foreign courts, and the fifteen millions 
to be paid for Louisiana. 'Do you know,' it was asked, 'what this means? 
Do you know that, if the fifteen millions were divided among the states 
on the ratio of representation, the amount allotted to each Congressman 
would be $105,000; that Massachusetts would pay more than $4 a head 
for each man, woman and child within her borders; that New Hamp- 
shire's share of the interest would be $87 a day; that Connecticut would 
be taxed $30 for every family? Thus have the professed idolizers of 
economy embarrassed the country with a debt of which the interest is 
greater than the direct tax of which they complained so bitterly. Is 
this a subject for thanksgiving, or a fast?' " 

The Boston Gazette on November 24, 1803, said : 

"And like Anacharsis, our titled patriots, from Mr. Jefferson down- 
wards, seem to entertain the same furious enmity against the language 
and common sense which they do against the religion and Government of 
our country." 

The New York Herald on October 26, 1803, said: 

"The good people of New England must know that were every citi- 


zen of Virginia to vouch for Mr. Jefferson's morality (and there is a large 
and respectable portion who never will), the evidence could have no 
weight here, where morality is taken from a very different scale. Habit 
in that depraved state justifies what here would damn a reputation to 
universal contempt." 

Senator White of Delaware predicted that the annexation of Lou- 
isiana would be productive of innumerable evils, and especially of one 
he feared to even look upon. "Our citizens," said he, "will be removed 
to the immense distance of 2,000 or 3,000 miles from the capital of the 
Union, where they will scarcely ever feel the rays of the general Gov- 
ernment; their affections will become obliterated; they will gradually 
begin to view us as strangers; they will form other commercial connec- 
tions, and our interests will become extinct." 

These are arguments echoed today by anti-expansionists. 

Thomas Jefferson did not stop with the purchase of the Louisiana 
Territory. He wanted Florida and Cuba. In a letter written August 
10, 1807, during his second term as President, and addressed to Madison, 
his Secretary of State, discussing the possibilities of a war with Euro- 
pean countries, he said: 

"I had rather have war with Spain than not, if we are to go to war 
against England. Our Southern defenses can take care of the Floridas, 
volunteers from the Mexican army will flock to our standard, and rich 
pabulum will be offered to our privateers in the plunder of their com- 
merce and coast; probably Cuba would add itself to our confederation." 

Two years later, writing again to Madison, who was then President, 
he said: 

"I suppose the conquest of Spain will soon offer a delicate question 
to you as to the Floridas and Cuba, which will offer themselves to you. 
Napoleon will certainly give his consent without difficulty to our re- 
ceiving the Floridas, and, with some difficulty, possibly Cuba." 

A week later he writes again: 

"That Napoleon would give us the Floridas to withhold intercourse 
with the residue of these colonies cannot be doubted, but that is no 
price, because they are ours in the first moment of the first war; but, 
although with difficulty, he will consent to our receiving Cuba into our 
Union to prevent our aid to Mexico and the other provinces. That will 
be a price, and I would immediately erect a column on the southernmost 
limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a ne plus ultra as to us in that direc- 


tion. We should then only have to include the North in our confederacy, 
which would be, of course, in the first war, and we should have such an 
empire of liberty as she has never surveyed since the creation, and I am 
persuaded no constitution was ever before so well calculated as ours for 
extensive empire and self-government." 

When we came to the annexation of Texas there were the same evils 
of imperialism and the same denial of constitutional power. Joshua R. 
Giddings of Ohio, one of the ablest of the Whigs of that day, said on the 
floor of Congress: 

"I for one deny the constitutional power of this Government to amal- 
gamate the political destinies of this people with those of Texas or any 
other foreign Government." 

He also said: 

"It is for these reasons that I have characterized the annexation of 
Texas as a dissolution of the Union. Whether this language be appro- 
priate I leave for those who hear me to determine. I will not contend 
about terms." 

Andrew Jackson wrote a letter favoring the annexation of Texas and 
the extension of our boundaries, but Senator Pierce said : 

"I want no more annexation. I want no more partnership with out- 
side barbarians." 

Daniel Webster said in Congress: 

"For one I enter into this declaration with all my heart. We want no 
extension of territory; we want no accession of new states. The country 
is already large enough. From the first I saw, and have seen, nothing 
but danger to arise to the country from such annexation. We ap- 
pear to me to be rushing upon perils headlong and with our eyes all 
open, but I put my trust in Providence and in that good sense and 
patriotism of the people, which will yet, I hope, arouse themselves before 
it is too late." 

These men were wise in their day and some of them are, and will 
be for all time, revered as the ablest statesmen and truest patriots of 
this nation, but they were mistaken in their judgment as to the dangers 
of territorial expansion, and the history of the United States has re- 
corded this so emphatically that it is not presumption to judge that the 
anti-expansionists of today, however honest and patriotic they may be, 
are as liable to err as were they. 

There was the same objection to the acquisition of California and 


the retention of Oregon. The statesmen at the national capital were 
ready to sacrifice Oregon and Washington rather than contest the claim 
of Great Britain to the territory, and Senator McDuffie, in a speech in 
the Senate, said the country was not worth a pinch of snuff and he 
thanked God for His mercy in placing the Rocky Mountains there as a 
natural barrier. There were objections to the purchase of Alaska and to 
the annexation of Hawaii. There have been strong objections to the 
annexation of every foot of territory that has been acquired by the 
United States. But today there are twenty-four Senators and sixt3^-five 
Representatives in Congress from states within the limits of the Lou- 
isiana Purchase; and from this and other foreign acquisitions there are 
forty Senators and ninety-seven Representatives and delegates. It is 
in fact the richest part of the United States and the most progressive, 
with the center of our population now very near to what was the west- 
ern boundary of the United States when the anti-expansionists first be- 
gan to cry out against imperialism because Jefferson purchased from 
Napoleon the Louisiana territory across the Mississippi River. And not 
Hawaii, nor even the Philippines, are now as far removed in time and 
convenience of travel as was the Northwest Territory then, while Cali- 
fornia, when annexed, was distant two years from the seat of Govern- 

Men may differ now, as they did then, as to the power of the Govern- 
ment to acquire and govern territory under the constitution, but these 
theoretical differences have not been allowed to stand in the way of the 
growth and development of this country in the past and the}- will not in 
the future. The United States has never scuttled and run from theoret- 
ical fears, and it is not reasonable to suppose that it will be moved by 
hysterical fears now. The constitutional right of the President and Con- 
gress to accept the sovereignty over the Philippines is not a profitable 
discussion, since the same question has been discussed for a hundred 
years by the ablest statesmen of the country. Men have differed, but the 
long line of precedents have all been in one line in favor of the consti- 
tutional power to acquire territory by conquest or by purchase. From 
the beginning of the Government the portals of American liberty have 
swung open to the poor and oppressed of all the world, and they have 
stood open not to individuals alone, but to whole sections that have come 
under American rule. This nation has never insisted that the blessings 
of liberty were for its own citizens alone. If there is any imperialism in 


the American purpose it is not the imperialism of selfishness, but the im- 
perialism of charity and universal desire to confer upon those people 
who have been entrusted to our care by a providence which we could 
not foresee or predestinate, all of the free institutions which we enjoy 
and which they are capable of receiving. 

It was most nobly and patriotically said by President McKinley at 
Boston, in February of last year, that: 

"No imperial design lurks in the American mind. That would be 
alien to American sentiment, thought and purpose. Our priceless prin- 
ciples undergo no change under a tropical sun. If we can benefit these 
people, who will object? If in years they are established in government 
under law and liberty, who will regret our perils and sacrifices; who 
will not rejoice in our heroism and humanity? I have no light or knowl- 
edge not common to my countrymen. I do not prophesy. The present is 
all absorbing to me, but I cannot bound my vision by the blood-stained 
trenches around Manila, where every red drop, whether from the veins 
of an American soldier or a misguided Filipino, is anguish to my heart, 
but by the broad range of future years, when the group of islands, under 
the impulse of the year just passed, shall have become the gems and 
the glories of these tropical seas, a land of plenty and of increasing pos- 
sibilities, a people redeemed from savage indolence and habits, devoted 
to the arts of peace, in touch with the commerce and trade of all nations, 
enjoying the blessings of freedom, of civil and religious liberty, of edu- 
cation and of homes, and whose children and children's children shall, 
for ages hence, bless the American Republic because it emancipated and 
redeemed their fatherland and set them in the pathway of the world's 

And that: 

"The treaty now commits the free and unfranchised Filipinos to the 
guiding hand and liberalizing influence, the generous sympathies, the 
uplifting education, not of their American masters, but of their Ameri- 
can emancipators." 

The power of Congress to legislate for territory not under the con- 
stitution is an old one. It has been the subject of controversy for a hun- 
dred years. It has divided the opinions of the ablest lawyers and the 
highest courts, but these contrary opinions have not changed the policy 
of the Government on the result of annexation. The territory of Lou- 
isiana was governed without reference to the constitutional prerogatives 


of the states. The act of October 31, 1803, passed by Congress and 
signed by President Jefferson, vested "All military, civil and judicial 
powers in such person or persons and to be exercised in such manner as 
the President of the United States should direct." There was no con- 
sultation with the inhabitants, no participation in their government 
accorded them, and no rights assured them except "the free enjoyment 
of their liberty, prosperity and religion." 

The planters, merchants and other inhabitants of Louisiana pro- 
tested against this first act of Congress and President Jefferson, and 
their protest was vigorous in denouncing it as imperialism, but this did 
not change their government until Congress was convinced that condi- 
tions in the territory justified the change. 

Sixteen years later, after there had been much discussion, legislative 
action and judicial examination, Congress passed a similar act for the 
government of Florida, and President James Monroe approved that act. 
Florida was not a Avilderness, but the oldest settled part of the Ameri- 
can continent, and in addition to its Spanish, French and English 
inhabitants had several flourishing American settlements. This prac- 
tice was followed with other territories down to 1849. The constitution 
was not extended to them. If President McKinley is an imperialist, 
then Jefferson, Monroe, Polk and Pierce were imperialists, for the pres- 
ent executive is walking in the path which Thomas Jefferson, author of 
the constitution, marked out and in which every other President for half 
a century followed. 

The doctrine that "the constitution followed the flag" did not make 
its appearance until after the Mexican War, when slavery was the sub- 
ject of agitation, and the struggle between freedom and slavery in the 
territories forced John G. Calhoun, the ablest defender of slavery, to 
bring forward the doctrine that the constitution ex proprio vigore ex- 
tended into the territories, carrying with it, not the guarantees of 
liberty, but the safeguards of slavery. Thomas Benton in his "Thirty 
Years' View" says: "A new dogma was invented to fit the case that 
of the transmigration of the constitution (the slavery part of it) into 
the territories, overriding and overruling all the anti-slavery laws which 
it found there and planting the institution there under its own wing, 
and maintaining it beyond the power of eradication either by Congress 
or the people of the territory." 

Sb this doctrine that the constitution follows the flag was originated 


to carry slavery into the territories against even the will of the people 
who resided in the territories and were fighting slavery. Daniel Web- 
ster, the great expounder and defender of the constitution, fought this 
new dogma in the Senate, but the Supreme Court in 1856, in the noted 
Dred Scott case, approved and applied it, declaring that Congress had 
no power to prohibit slavery in the territories. The abolitionists de- 
nounced this decision as "A covenant with death and a league with 
hell," and Calhoun's doctrine helped to bring on the Civil War, in which 
it was supposed to have been buried with slavery, but it has been revived 
to deny the power of Congress to legislate for tri-riinry not under the 
constitution, or rather to insist that the act of cession carries the con- 
stitution into all the territory acquired from Spain. By this view of the 
constitution, Porto Rico, Guam and the Philippines became a part of 
the United States, and under the constitution entitled to all the rights of 
other states and territories. 

There are other decisions of the Supreme Court, both earlier and 
later, which contradict the view in the Dred Scott case. Chief Justice 
Marshall, in 1828, said: "In legislating for them (the territories) Con- 
gress exercises the combined powers of general and of a state Govern- 

Chief Justice Waite spoke of the territories as "the outlying dominion 
of the United States," and said "Congress may do for the territories 
what the people under the constitution of the United States may do for 
the states." Justice Matthews said that "the people of the United States, 
as sovereign owners of the national territories, have supreme power over 
them and their inhabitants." Justice Bradley says that "it would be 
absurd to hold that the United States has power to acquire territory 
and no power to govern it when acquired." And Justice Gray says that 
"By the constitution as now well settled, the United States having right- 
fully acquired the territories and being the only Government which can 
impose laws upon them, have the entire dominion and sovereignty, na- 
tional and municipal, Federal and state, over all the territories so long 
as they remain in a territorial condition." 

The issue of law is therefore as to whether the constitution inter- 
preted by Chief Justice Marshall in the early days of the Republic, and 
Chief Justice Waite and nearly all the courts since the Civil War, shall 
be followed or the decision in the Dred Scott case, which held that Con- 
gress could not prohibit slavery in the territories. It is a revival of the 


old question of slavery in a measure, and the anti-expansionists of today 
are following the dogma of Calhoun rather than the constitution of Jef- 

As a policy, however, the present administration and Congress are 
following the precedents Jefferson and Monroe always followed 
in regard to new territories. The treaty with Spain was different from 
former treaties ceding territories to the United States, in that it did not 
promise to make the inhabitants of the Philippines, Porto Rico, and 
Guam citizens of the United States, but left their civil rights and po- 
litical status to be determined by Congress not the Fifty-sixth Con- 
gress nor any other particular Congress, but the great power of Con- 
gress which is continuous and which may, as in the case of Louisiana, 
extend new rights and privileges to the territories from time to time as 
the inhabitants are qualified for the exercise of such rights and priv- 

The Spooner bill introduced to govern the Philippines is almost a 
cop} 7 of the bill passed to govern Louisiana, and the bill for Florida, 
only not quite so sweeping in the imperial powers conferred upon the 
President. It would place the Philippines today where Louisiana was a 
hundred years ago. 

The opponents of expansion have offered no new objections. They 
have repeated what has been uttered before by men as great as they, 
and greater, judged by the estimation in which they were held by the 
public and the places they occupy in history, but these utterances have 
been as chaff in the face of the destiny of the American Republic, and 
they have been scattered to the winds, of no avail except to be gathered 
up from old and almost forgotten reports to be used over and over again, 
without checking American progress. In his great speech in the Senate 
last March, Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, said truly: 

"All our vast growth and expansion have been due to the spirit of 
our race, and have been guided by the instinct of the American people, 
which in all great crises has proved wiser than any reasoning. This 
mighty movement westward, building up a nation and conquering a con- 
tinent as it swept along, has not been the work of chance or accident. 
It was neither chance nor accident which brought us to the Pacific and 
which has now carried us across the great ocean even to the shores of 
Asia, to the very edge of the cradle of the Aryans, whence our far- 


distant ancestors started on the march which has since girdled the 

"Call up your own history as witness. It was not inevitable that we 
should take Louisiana. We could have remained shut up between the 
Mississippi and the Atlantic and allowed another people to build the 
great city where New Orleans stands. But it was inevitable, if we fol- 
lowed the true laws of our being, that we should be masters of the 
Mississippi and spread from its mouth to its source. It was not in- 
evitable that the union of states should endure. Had we so chosen we 
could have abandoned it, but if we had abandoned il we should have 
gone down to nothingness, a disintegrated chaos of petty republics. We 
determined that the Union should live, and then it was inevitable that 
it should come to what it is today. There was nothing inevitable about 
the Monroe Doctrine. We need never have asserted it, need never have 
maintained it. Had we failed to do both we should have had Europe 
established all about us; we should have been forced to become a nation 
of great standing armies; our growth and power would have been 
choked and stifled. But we have declared and upheld it. We have in- 
sisted that all the world should heed it, and it is one of the signs of the 
times that in The Hague Convention we have obtained at last a formal 
recognition of it from all the nations of Europe. Yet the Monroe Doc- 
trine is far more than a proposition of international law which we have 
laid down. Millions of men are ready to fight for that doctrine who 
could not define its terms, and who have never read, perhaps, the famous 
message which announced it. That is because the instinct of the people 
recognizes in that doctrine a great principle of national life. Without 
clinging to it we should be in constant peril, our evolution would be re- 
tarded, our existence menaced. The European power which attempts 
to establish itself in new possessions in the Americas, whether on a 
little island or in a continental state, from Patagonia to the Rio Grande, 
is our enemy. We are ready to fight upon that 'theme until our eyelids 
do no longer wag.' Is it because we want territory to the south of us? 
Far from it. It is because we know by instinct that it is a law of our 
being, a principle of our national life, that no power from over seas shall 
come into this hemisphere to thwart our policy or to cross our path. 
The Monroe Doctrine, with all it implies, is inevitable if we are to be 
true to the laws of our being. 

"Like every great nation, we have come more than once in our his- 


tory to where the road of fate divided. Thus far we have never failed 
to take the right path. Again are we come to the parting of the ways. 
Again a momentous choice is offered to us. Shall we hesitate and make, 
in coward fashion, what Dante calls 'the great refusal?' Even now we 
can abandon the Monroe Doctrine, we can reject the Pacific, we can 
shut ourselves up between our oceans, as Switzerland is inclosed among 
her hills, and then it would be inevitable that we should sink out from 
among the great powers of the world and heap up riches that some 
stronger and bolder people, who do not fear their fate, might gather 
them. Or we may follow the true laws of our being, the laws in obe- 
dience to which we have come to be what we are, and then we shall 
stretch out into the Pacific; we shall stand in the front rank of the world 
poAvers; we shall give to our labor and our industry new and larger and 
better opportunities; we shall prosper ourselves; we shall benefit man- 
kind. What we have done was inevitable because it was in accordance 
with the laws of our being as a nation, in the defiance and disregard of 
which lie ruin and retreat." 



The Philippine policy of the McKinley administration is the same 
as the policy of President Thomas Jefferson in regard to Louisiana 
when that great territory was secured from France in 1S03. The bill 
now before Congress for government control in the Philippines is almost 
identical with the act passed by Congress in 1803 for the government 
of Louisiana. It might almost be said that President McKinley and 
the Republicans in Congress had adopted the Jeffersonian policy in 
reference to the Philippines. These islands came under the American 
flag by the fortunes of war and were retained by the Treaty of Pence 
with Spain. They are now territory belonging to the United States. 
The time has passed for discussion as to whether they shall be retained, 
or whether the influence and authority of the United States shall ex- 
pand to the Philippines. That has already been done, and not by the 
President alone, but by Congress. The Senate and the House of Rep- 
resentatives have ratified the Treaty of Peace, the Senate by direct vote 
on that question and the House by passing the bill appropriating 
$20,000,000 to be paid to Spain in compensation forpublic improvements 
in the Philippines. Democrats as well as the Republicans voted for 
both these measures. The Treaty of Peace was ratified by a two-thirds 
vote in the Senate at a time when the Republicans did not have a full 
majority of that body. The vote in the House on the appropriation bill 
to carry out the compact of the treaty was almost unanimous. This 
being the political situation, it is idle for either party to now deny 
responsibility for securing the Philippines as territory belonging to 
the United States, or talking of undoing what has been done. "The 
paramount issue" of "imperialism" raised by the Democratic National 
Convention is, if it is anything, repudiation of the Treaty of Peace 
between Spain and the United States after it has gone into effect with 
the consent of the Democratic party. Mr. Bryan, the Democratic can- 
didate for President, went to Washington to urge Democratic senators 
to vote for the ratification of the Treaty of Peace, and by so doing he 
placed himself in accord with President McKinley in recognizing that 
the flag could not be withdrawn from the Philippines. 



Senator Hoar, who has been and will be quoted as opposed to the 
retention of the Philippines, made his fight against the ratification of 
the Treaty, and he is now supporting President McKinley. Senator 
Hoar in a recent letter to the Anti-Imperialist League of Boston said 
that "the treaty was the great battle-ground in this matter," and "sena- 
tors who voted for that treaty, whether under Mr. Bryan's influence or 
for any motive, were quite as bitter and indignant as your expressions 
now about me." Mr. Hoar then said in the letter to Mr. Winslow: 

"Let no one answer this by saying these expressions of sympathy 
and approval were made because of my position toward imperialism. 
They were made with full and distinct knowledge on the part of those 
making them, including yourself, and on the part of the leading anti- 
imperialists everywhere throughout the country, that I remained a 
Republican and purposed to support President McKinley and refused to 
support Mr. Bryan, not only because of all the other objections to him 
and his party, but because he had interposed when the treaty would 
otherwise have been beaten and secured its adoption by his personal 

"He did not merely fail to prevent the passage of the treaty, as one 
bright critic of mine has said, but he procured its passage. Without 
him it would not have been ratified. He, through votes he controlled, 
bought 10,000,000 people and paid for them at $2 a head. He made it 
the law of this land for all treaties are the law of the land that the 
American Congress should dispose of that distinct, alien people, 
whether they liked it or not. 

"And you undertake to defend him by suggesting that he hoped to 
nullify that action by declaration of one house of Congress. That could 
be of no possible validity unless concurred in by the House of Repre- 
sentatives and approved by the President; neither of which, as he and 
as you well knew, was there the slightest hope of at that time. 

"I will not debate with you the question whether I am wrong. I 
expect to debate that .question in due time. If you think you can best 
help the cause of liberty and true Republicanism by voting for the 
men who are for the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, by voting for men 
who are for refusing 10,000,000 American citizens suffrage at home, for 
overthrowing the independence of the Supreme Court, and for destroy- 
ing the safeguards of property and American labor, very well. Go 
your way and do your duty as you see it. I shall do mine as I see it, and 


I think I can best do it by speaking as a Republican to Republicans; 
by keeping my right to speak as a counselor and associate of the men 
who have wrought for liberty in this country since the Treaty of Peace 
in 1783, and not as the associate or through the instrumentality of the 
party or men who have been ranged for sixty years on the side of 
despotism and oppression, of dishonor and of low wages." 

It is only fair to Senator Hoar that his position should be under- 
stood. He was opposed to the treaty by which the Philippines became 
territory of the United States. He is opposed to the election of Mr. 
Bryan and all others who call themselves anti-imperialists in this cam- 
paign. He is a Republican supporting President McKinley and the 
Republican platform. 

While men of both parties differed in opinion as to the advisability 
of retaining the Philippines, and Judge Day, the President of the United 
States Peace Commission, was opposed to such a proposition, there 
appeared no other way of deciding their future. Senator Spooner of 
Wisconsin presented the reasons for keeping them in his speech in the 
Senate. He said: 

"It was hardly to be expected, Mr. President, after our navy had 
broken the power of Spain in both seas, and after Spain had applied 
for a suspension of hostilities with a view to a Treaty of Peace, that a 
people who, without cause of war which it chose to enforce on its own 
behalf, had poured out its treasure and the blood of its sons for the 
liberty of another people alien to them, because of cruelty and oppres- 
sion which could not longer be tolerated, would be willing that in the 
end of that struggle another people, vastly greater in number, who had 
also been subject to the same tyranny, should be left in the hands of 
Spain. By the fortunes of war we were there. 

"It would have seemed to the world, many of us thought, that we 
had carried our flag of liberty to the mountain top, w r here all the world 
could see it, and then, afraid to meet responsibility, shuddering from 
duty, had incontinently run with it into the valley below, where no man 
could see it or would wish to see it. 

"It has been thought that if all mention of the Philippines had been 
omitted from the treaty, Spain never could have retaken those islands. 
Mr. President, I have never believed that. I have had no doubt myself 
that Spain would have resumed her sway in the Philippine Archipelago. 
I have never seen any reason to doubt it. First, it must be remembered 


that we had sent back to Spain 142,000 soldiers, with their arms. Spain, 
no longer involved in Cuba or in Porto Rico; Spain, vanquished by us, 
but proud and haughty, would not have been willing to abandon the 
last of her possessions that one in the Pacific seas. 

"We would have been obliged in honor to march our troops out of 
Manila and to allow r the troops of Spain, in such numbers as she chose, 
to occupy the city. Spain then had a navy free. Many of the nations 
of the world sympathized with her. They all would have preferred her 
retention of the Philippines to strife among themselves for their pos- 
session, as there would have been. 

"The holders of Spanish bonds all over Europe, based upon a 
hypothecation of the revenues of Cuba, Porto Rico, and possibly the 
Philippines, would have been eager to furnish the money, for obvious 
reasons, to enable Spain to retain her great Pacific possession, and 
with her fleet and her troops she would, with comparative ease, have 
resumed her sway in the Philippines. 

"We could not do that, we thought; and there was not a man in the 
Senate then, nor is there one here now, I take it, who would have been 
willing that all mention of the Philippines should have been omitted 
from that treaty. 

"Even Aguinaldo contemplated the possibility that the treaty might 
leave the Philippines with Spain, and the certainty that Spain would 
attempt to resume her sovereignty there. In his letter of August 21, 
1898, to the commanding officer of our forces, in reply to the demand 
that he withdraw his forces from Manila, he stated thus one of the con- 
ditions of such withdrawal: 

" 'They also (referring to the Filipinos) desire that if in consequence 
of the Treaty of Peace which may be concluded between the United 
States of America and Spain the Philippines should continue under the 
domination of the latter, the American forces should give up all the 
suburbs to the Filipinos, in consideration of the co-operation lent by the 
latter in the capture of Manila.' 

"In reply to this he was informed that in the event of the United 
States withdrawing from these islands care would be taken to leave him 
in as advantageous position as he was found by the forces of the Gov- 

Senator Spooner also replied to the assertion that Aguinaldo and his 
insurgent followers were allies of the United States. 


"It has been said that until hostilities broke out Aguinaldo was our 
ally. Senators have treated the performances of Aguinaldo after 
August 12, 1898, the date of the protocol, as acts done in aid of our 
cause, acts done as an ally of ours. That, Mr. President, is an impossi- 
bility. We could not, as I say, have fired a shot at a Spanish soldier or 
at the Spanish flag anywhere in the Philippine Archipelago, for by 
agreement hostilities were suspended. No more could Aguinaldo do 
this as an ally of ours or acting in our interest or by our procurement, 
for we could not honorably do through another what it would be a 
breach of honor to do ourselves. 

"Aguinaldo knew of the protocol, for he was informed in writing 
by General Otis and General Anderson that the protocol had created 
international relations and obligations between Spain and ourselves 
which we must observe, and which we could not observe if we entered 
into such an agreement as he proposed. 

"So it must be taken as settled, it cannot be escaped, that from the 
date of the protocol, whatever Aguinaldo did against Spain in the 
archipelago he did on his own account, and not for the United States, 
and he did little. As I said, he simply marched in where Spain marched 
out in certain places, Iloilo having been abandoned by order of the 
Spanish Government, Aguinaldo's forces having been unable to take it, 
after the demand for the cession had been made by our commissioners 
and after Spain had yielded to it. 

"Another thing about it, Mr. President. If Aguinaldo had by his 
trocps, after the protocol, captured Iloilo and other cities and extended 
his military power throughout the Philippines, it is very difficult, as a 
matter of international law, to see that that could have been efficacious 
for him or his so-called government as against us. The status could 
not be changed there by him except in hostility both to Spain and to us, 
and the principle contended for is not to be admitted." 

The anti-expansionists have never answered this statement of the 
relations of Aguinaldo to this Government. He was not an ally. Pie 
. could not have been, and the very witnesses which he called to present 
proof that he was an ally have denied it in most positive terms. These 
witnesses are Admiral Dewey, General Otis, General Merritt, General 
Anderson, and in fact every American navy and army officer who has 
been in the Philippines. They all refused to have any relations with 
him except as a Filipino who was fighting against Spain. The question 


of acquiring the Philippines was, as has been said, settled by the ratifi- 
cation of the Treaty of Peace in February, 1899. The only question 
now before the Government and the people of the United States is as to 
how they shall be governed. Before the treaty was ratified in January, 
1899, President McKinley appointed a civil commission to go to the 
Philippines and assist in formulating civil government' in the islands. 
Tha t commission was composed of J. G. Schurman, President of Cornell 
University; Charles Denby, for twelve years Minister to China, and 
Dean C. Worcester of Michigan State University. Admiral Dewey and 
General Otis, the naval and military commanders in the Philippines, 
were made members of the commission. The President's instructions 
show the purpose he had in view. In his letter of instructions the Presi- 
dent said: 

"The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with the 
military authorities of the United States now in control of the Philip- 
pines, to ascertain what amelioration in the condition of the inhabitants 
and what improvements in public order may be practicable, and for 
this purpose they will study attentively the existing social and political 
state of the various populations, particularly as regards the forms of 
local government, the administration of justice, the collection of cus- 
toms and other taxes, the means of transportation, and the need of 
public improvements. They will report through the Department of 
State, according to the forms .customary or hereafter prescribed for 
transmitting and preserving such communications, the results of their 
observations and reflections, and will recommend such executive action 
as may from time to time seem to them wise and useful. 

"The commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively 
with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may believe 
themselves able to derive information or suggestions valuable for the 
purposes of their commission, or whom they may choose to employ as 
agents, as may be necessary for this purpose. 

"The temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the mili- 
tary authorities, as already provided for by my instructions to the 
Secretary of War of December 21, 1898, and will continue until Con- 
gress shall determine otherwise. The commission may render valuable 
services by examining with special care the legislative needs of the 
various groups of inhabitants, and by reporting, with recommendations, 
the measures which should be instituted for the maintenance of order, 


peace, and public welfare, either as temporary stop* to be taken imme- 
diately for the perfection of present administration, or as suggestions 
for future legislation. 

"In so far as immediate personal changes in the civil administration 
may seem to be advisable, the commissioners arc empowered to recom- 
mend suitable persons for appointment for these oflires from among the 
inhabitants of the islands who have previously acknowledged their 
allegiance to this Government. 

"It is my desire that in all their relations with the inhabitants of 
the islands the commissioners exercise due respect for all the ideals, 
customs and institutions of the tribes which compose the population, 
emphasizing upon all occasions the just and beneficent intentions of 
the Government of the United States. It is also my wish and exporta- 
tion that the commissioners may be received in a manner due to the 
honored and authorized representatives of the American llepublic, duly 
commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill, and integrity as 
bearers of the good will, the protection, and the richest blessings of a 
liberating rather than a conquering nation. 


At the time of the appointment of this commission peace existed 
in the islands. But the insurgents prepared for a general attack upon 
the United States troops, and that attack was made on February 4, 
1899. On February 15 Aguinaldo issued a general order for the 
massacre of all foreigners in Manila. The commission was not ap- 
pointed as a "Peace Commission," as it has been called. When the 
commission arrived at Manila it set to work to discover what it might 
do to help in bringing these hostilities to an end. To clear away any 
misunderstanding the natives might have as to the purpose of this 
Government the commission issued a public proclamation on this point. 

"The commission desire to assure the people of the Philippine Islands 
of the cordial good will and fraternal feeling which is entertained for 
them by His Excellency, the President of the United States, and by 
the American people. The aim and object of the American Govern- 
ment, apart from the fulfillment of the solemn obligations it has as- 
sumed toward the family of nations by the acceptance of sovereignty 
over the Philippine Islands, is the well being, the prosperity and the 


happiness of the Philippine people, and their elevation and advance- 
ment to a position among the most civilized peoples of the world. 

"His Excellency the President of the United States believes that 
this felicity and perfection of the Philippine people is to be brought 
about by the assurance of peace and order; by the guaranty of civil 
and religious liberty; by the establishment of justice; by the cultiva- 
tion of letters, science, and the liberal and practical arts; by the en- 
largement of intercourse with foreign nations; by the expansion of 
industrial pursuits, trade, and commerce; by the multiplication and 
improvement of the means of internal communication; by the develop- 
ment, with the aid of modern mechanical inventions, of the great nat- 
ural resources of the archipelago; and, in a word, by the uninterrupted 
devotion of the people to the pursuit of those useful objects and the 
realization of those noble ideals which constitute the higher civilization 
of mankind. 

"Unfortunately, the pure aims and purposes of the American Gov- 
ernment and people have been misinterpreted to some of the inhabitants 
of certain of the islands. As a consequence, the friendly American 
forces have, without provocation or cause, been openly attacked. 

"And why these hostilities? What do the best Filipinos desire? 
Can it be more than the United States is ready to give? They are 
patriots and want liberty, it is said. The commission emphatically 
asserts that the United States is not only willing, but anxious, to estab- 
lish in the Philippine Islands an enlightened system of government 
under which the Philippine people may enjoy the largest measure of 
home rule and the amplest liberty consonant with the supreme ends 
of government and compatible with those obligations which the United 
States has assumed toward the civilized nations of the world. 

"The United States striving earnestly for the welfare and advance- 
ment of the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands, there can be no real 
conflict between American sovereignty and the rights and liberties of 
the Philippine people. For, just as the United States stands .ready to 
furnish armies, navies, and all the infinite resources of a great and 
powerful nation to maintain and support its rightful supremacy over 
the Philippine Islands, so it is even more solicitous to spread peace and 
happiness among the Philippine people; to guarantee them a rightful 
freedom; to protect them in their just privileges and immunities; to 
accustom them to free self-government in an ever-increasing measure; 


and to encourage them in those demo< -ratic aspirations, sentiments, 
and ideals which are the promise and potency of a fruitful national 

The commission then laid down eleven cardinal principles as to the 
government of the islands, as follows 

1. The supremacy of the I'nited States must and will be enforced 
throughout every part of the archipelago, and those who resist it can 
accomplish no end other than their own ruin. 

2. The most ample liberty of self-government will be granted to 
the Philippine people which is reconcilable with the maintenance of a. 
wise, just, stable, effective, and economical administration of public 
affairs, and compatible with the >.,\ - ( -rei^n ami international rights and 
obligations of the United States. 

3. The civil rights of the Philippine people will be guaranteed and 
protected to the fullest extent; religions freedom assured, and all per- 
sons shall have an equal standing before the law. 

4. Honor, justice, and friendship forbid the use of the Philippine 
people or islands as an object or means of exploitation. The purpose 
of the American Government is the welfare and advancement of the 
Philippine people. 

0. There shall be guaranteed to the Philippine people an honest, 
and effective civil service, in which, to the fullest extent practicable, 
natives shall be employed. 

(>. The collection and application of taxes and revenues will be put 
upon a sound, honest, and economical basis. Public funds, raised justly 
and collected honestly, will be applied only in defraying the regular 
and proper expenses incurred by and for the establishment and main- 
tenance of the Philippine government, and for such general improve- 
ments as public interests may demand. Local funds, collected for local 
purposes, shall not be diverted to other ends. With such a prudent 
and honest fiscal administration, it is believed that the needs of the 
government will in a short time become compatible with a considerable 
reduction in taxation. 

7. A pure,-speedy, and effective administration of justice will be 
established, whereby the evils of delay, corruption, and exploitation 
will be effectually eradicated. 

8. The construction of road>. railroads, and oilier means of com- 


muiiieation and transportation, as well as other public works of mani- 
fest advantage to the Philippine people, will be promoted. 

0. Domestic and foreign trade and commerce, agriculture, and 
other industrial pursuits, and the general development of the country 
in the interest of its inhabitants will be constant objects of solicitude 
and fostering care. 

10. Effective provision will be made for the establishment of ele- 
mentary schools in which the children of the people shall be educated. 
Appropriate facilities will also be provided for higher education. 

11. Reforms in all departments of the government, in all branches 
of the public service, and in all corporations closely touching the com- 
mon life of the people must be undertaken without delay and effected, 
conformably to right and justice, in a way that will satisfy the well- 
founded demands and the highest sentiments and aspirations of the 
Philippine people. 

Translations of this proclamation were made into Spanish and into 
Tagalog and other dialects. These were circulated through the prov- 
inces and posted about Manila. The insurgents under Aguinaldo tried 
to prevent this proclamation reaching the Filipinos. They tore them 
down whenever posted; they punished all natives found reading the 
proclamation. They even killed some natives who tried to give circula- 
tion to the proclamation of this Government. But the proclamation 
did bring many natives into the American lines. They deserted 
Aguinaldo. The business men in Manila were opposed to the insurgent 
leader. They were anxious to accept the sovereignty of the United 
States. Colonel Arguelles, one of the insurgent leaders, came to the 
commission seeking a suspension of hostilities. He admitted that the 
propositions of this Government were fair, that the natives were not 
ready for independence, and on behalf of Aguinaldo he agreed to accept 
the sovereignty of the United States and said he was authorized to do 
so. This was repeated to the President, and in the following message 
Secretary Hay, the position of the Government was again stated from 

"Washington, May 5, 189910:20 P. M. 
"Schnrman, Manila: 

"Yours 4th received. You are authorized to propose that under the 
military power of the President, pending action of Congress, govern- 
ment of the Philippine Islands shall consist of a Governor-General 


appointed by the President; cabinet appointed by the Governor-! Jen- 
eral; a general advisory council elected by the people; the qualifications 
of electors to be carefully considered and determined; and the Gov- 
ernor-General to have absolute veto. Judiciary strong and indepen- 
dent; principal judges appointed by the President. The cabinet and 
judges to be chosen from natives or Americans, or both, having regard 
to fitness. The President earnestly desires the cessation of bloodshed, 
and that the people of the Philippine Islands at an early date shall 
have the largest measure of local self-government consistent with peace 
and good order. HAY." 

But Aguinaldo accused Colonel Arguelles of becoming American- 
ized and repudiated him. Other emissaries from Aguinaldo made 
agreements which were not carried out, and the insurrection continued 
until broken by the force of American arms, and Aguinaldo again 
became a fugitive from the islands. 

The Philippine Commission made ;i long report to the President, in 
which they laid down these conclusions: 

"In connection with the subject of government the commission has 
reached the following conclusions: 

"1. The United States cannot withdraw from the Philippines. \Ve 
are there and duty binds us to remain. There is no escape from our 
responsibility to the Filipinos and to mankind for the government of 
the archipelago and the amelioration of the condition of the inhab- 

"2. The Filipinos are wholly unprepared for independence, and if 
independence were given to them they could not maintain it. 

"3. As to Aguinaldo's claim thnt he was promised independence or 
that an alliance was made with him, Admiral Dewey makes the follow- 
ing communication to the commission: 

"'The statement of Emilio Aguinaldo, under date of September 23, 
published in the Springfield Republican, so far as it relates to re- 
ported conversations with me, or actions of mine, is a tissue of 
falsehoods.* I never, directly or indirectly, promised the Filipinos in- 
dependence. I never received Aguinaldo with military honors, or 
recognized or saluted the so-called Filipino flag. I never considered 
him as an ally, although I did make use of him and the natives to assist 
me in my operations against the Spaniards/ 


"4. There being no Philippine nation, but only a collection of dif- 
ferent peoples, there is no general public opinion in the archipelago; 
but the men of property and education, who alone interest themselves 
in public affairs, in general recognize as indispensable American 
authority, guidance, and protection. 

"5. Congress should, at the earliest practicable time, provide for 
the Philippines the form of government herein recommended or an- 
other equally liberal and beneficent. 

"6. Pending any action on the part of Congress, the commission 
recommends that the President put in operation this scheme of civil 
government in such parts of the archipelago as are at peace. 

"7. So far as the finances of the Philippines permit, public educa- 
tion should be promptly established, and when established made free 
to all. 

"8. The greatest care should be taken in the selection of officials 
for administration. They should be men of the highest character and 
fitness, and partisan politics should be entirely separated from the 
government of the Philippines." 

President McKinley in his last annual message to Congress dis- 
cussed this question, saying: 

"The future government of the Philippines rests with the Congress 
of the T T nited States. Few graver responsibilities have ever been con- 
fided to us. If we accept them in a spirit worthy of our race and our 
traditions, a great opportunity comes with them. The islands lie under 
the shelter of our flag. They are ours by every title of law and equity. 
They cannot be abandoned. If we desert them we leave them at once 
to anarchy and finally to barbarism. We fling them, a golden apple of 
discord, among the rival powers, no one of which could permit another 
to seize them unquestioned. Their rich plains and valleys would be the 
scene of endless strife and bloodshed. The advent of Dewey's fleet in 
Manila Bay instead of being, as we hope, the dawn of a new day of 
freedom and progress, will have been the beginning of an era of misery 
and violence worse than any which has darkened their unhappy past. 
The suggestion has been made that we could renounce our authority 
over the islands and, giving them independence, could retain a protec- 
torate over them. This proposition will not be found, I am sure, worthy 
of your serious attention. Such an arrangement would involve at the 
outset a cruel breach of faith. It would place the peaceable and loyal 


majority, who ask nothing- better than to accept our authority, at the 
mercy of the minority of armed insurgents. It would make us respon- 
sible for the acts of the insurgent leaders and give us no power to 
control them. It would charge us with the task of protecting them 
against each other and defending them against any foreign power with 
which they chose to quarrel. In short, it would take from the Congress 
of the United States the power of declaring war and vest that tremen- 
dous prerogative in the Tagal leader of the hour. 

"It does not seem desirable that I should recommend at this time 
a specific mid linal form of government for these islands. When peace 
shall be restored it will be the duty of Congress to construct a plan of 
government which shall establish and maintain freedom and order and 
peace in the Philippines. The insurrection is still existing, and when 
it terminates further information will be required as to the actual con- 
dition of affairs before inaugurating a permanent scheme of civil gov- 
ernment. The full report of the commission, now in preparation, will 
contain information and suggestions which will be of value to Con- 
gress, and which I will transmit as soon as it is completed. As long 
as the insurrection continues the military arm must necessarily bo 
supreme. Hut there is no reason why steps should not be taken from 
time to time to inaugurate governments essentially popular in their 
form as fast as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To this 
end I am considering the advisability of the return of the commission, 
or such of the members thereof as can be secured, to aid the existing 
authorities and facilitate this work throughout the islands. I have 
believed that reconstruction should not begin by the establishment of 
one central civil government for all the islands, with its seat at Manila, 
but rather that the work should be commenced by building up from 
the bottom, first establishing municipal governments and then provin- 
cial governments, a central government at last to follow. 

"Until Congress shall have made the formal expression of its will I 
shall use the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the 
statutes to uphold the sovereignty of the United States in those distant 
islands as in all other places where our flag rightfully floats. I shall 
put at the disposal of the army and navy all the means which the liber- 
ality of Congress and the people have provided to cause this unprovoked 
and wasteful insurrection to cease. If any orders of mine were re- 
quired to insure the merciful conduct of military and naval operations, 


they would not be lacking; but every step of the progress of our troops 
has been marked by a humanity which has surprised even the mis- 
guided insurgents. The truest kindness to them will be a swift and 
effective defeat of their present leader. The hour of victory will be the 
hour of clemency and reconstruction. 

"No effort will be spared to build up the waste places desolated by 
war and by long years of misgovernment. We shall not wait for the 
end of strife to begin the beneficent work. We shall continue, as we 
have begun, to open the schools and the churches, to set the courts in 
operation, to foster industry and trade and agriculture, and in every 
way in our power to make these people whom Providence has brought 
within our jurisdiction feel that it is their liberty and not our power, 
their welfare and not our gain, we are seeking to enhance. Our flag 
has never waved over any community but in blessing. I believe the 
Filipinos will soon recognize the fact that it has not lost its gift of 
benediction in its world-wide journey to their shores." 

Senator Spooner of Wisconsin introduced a bill for the government 
of the Philippines. It is still before Congress. It is as follows: 

"Be it enacted, etc., That when all insurrection against the sover- 
eignty and authority of the United States in the Philippine Islands, 
acquired from Spain by the treaty concluded at Paris on the 10th day 
of December, 1898, shall have been completely suppressed by the mili- 
tary and naval forces of the United States, all military, civil, and 
judicial powers necessary to govern the said islands shall, until other- 
wise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and persons, and 
shall be exercised in such manner as the President of the United States 
shall direct by maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of said 
islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion." 

To show how closely the bill conforms to the first legislation of the 
kind in the administration of Thomas Jefferson, the second section of 
an act approved October 31, 1803, to enable the President to take pos- 
session of Louisiana, is reproduced: 

"Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That until the expiration of the 
present session of Congress, unless provision for the temporary govern- 
ment of said territories be sooner made by Congress, all the military, 
civil and judicial powers exercised by the officers of the existing gov- 
ernment of the same shall be vested in such person and persons, and 
shall be exercised in such manner, as the President of the United States 


shall direct for maintaining and protecting the inhabitants of Louisiana 
in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion." 

The Philippine policy of President McKinley is the policy adopted 
toward new and unknown territory by Thomas Jefferson when Presi- 
dent. Until Congress is prepared to define the political status of the 
inhabitants of the Philippines, the President must govern. He is now 
exercising the only authority he has t<> govern by the military power 
vested in him by the Constitution. The Spooner bill when passed will 
give him a civil power in the Philippines. And it will probably be many 
years before the exact form of government for all the islands and prov- 
inces in the Philippines is defined by Congress, because this must be 
done after full knowledge as to the capability of the native's for gov- 
ernment is in the possession of Congress. The people of the United 
States are not ready to admit these islands as territories with the hope 
of statehood before them. That is a question for the future. It re- 
quired nearly a hundred years to bring all the Louisiana territory into 
the Union, and it will be no injustice to the Filipinos if they are kept 
out of the Union for that long or longer. 

Democrats and Republicans clothed with responsibility as senators 
and representatives are considering this question, not in bitter partisan- 
ship, but as a great problem before the American people, which calls 
for the highest order of constructive legislation. Senator McLaurin of 
South Carolina, a Democrat whose loyalty to his party has never been 
questioned, discussed this question fairly and freely in the Senate and 

"What is the actual situation there to-day? In the Philippines, ac- 
quired in the same way and as rightfully subject to the sovereignty 
of the United States as Porto Rico and Cuba, some portion of the people 
have refused to recognize this sovereignty. It is not the Philippine 
nation who have set up the standard of rebellion and defy the authority 
of the United States. We are opposed by a part of the tribe of the 
Tagalos, who inhabit less than one-half of-the island of Luzon. There 
are hundreds of other islands, whose people speak more than sixty 
different languages, who are ready to accept American sovereignty. I 
have no doubt that men of property and intelligence are anxious for 
us to protect them and their industries. Yet, in the face of these facts, 
it is stated and reiterated upon this floor that the peoples of the 
archipelago are in rebellion, contending for liberty and independence. 


It is also contended that the United States is the aggressor and re- 
sponsible for this war. 

"I deny that proposition. It is inconsistent with our record as a 
nation. Who can believe that the United States, with her traditions, 
her history, and her achievements, would seek in shame and dishonor 
to oppress any people and sacrifice the lives of her citizens in such an 
unholy cause? Those who thus attempt to besmirch her fair name 
proclaim to the world that we are living and practicing a lie in our 
republican institutions. I do not propose to attempt an analysis of 
all the conflicting facts compiled in reports, correspondence, and mili- 
tary orders. I am content to say that I do not believe that Admiral 
Dewey, with his cool head and love of fair dealing, would have counte- 
nanced any effort on the part of our military commanders, or even of 
the President, to embroil us in a conflict with the Tagalos. On the 
contrary, I believe that he and the other officers exhausted all means 
of negotiation to avert a conflict. 

"I do not believe the war was provoked or premeditated by the rep- 
resentatives of the United States, but was the consummation of a Dlan 
of the wily Aguinaldo to bully the United States into an arrangement 
to satisfy his personal ambition. The firing of a gun on the picket line 
and the killing of a Tagalo was a fortuitous incident. It was no justifi- 
cation for a rebellion, but was seized upon as a pretext to give a sem- 
balance of right in fomenting an insurrection. Without the firing of the 
gun, some other incident would have been the subterfuge. But it is 
contended that the United States made promises of self-government. 
As to that I have no doubt that these islands will be given the best 
government they have ever had and the largest measure of self-govern- 
ment of which they are capable. 

"I do not believe that it was ever the intention of the President or 
anyone with authority to speak for the United States to commit us to 
any definite action in dealing with these people with reference to their 
future government. No one was invested with such authority, for 
under the treaty with Spain, and under our Constitution, Congress alone 
has the power to fix the civil and political status of the inhabitants of 
acquired territory. Before the treaty of peace was ratified, and before 
Congress had the opportunity to declare its purpose, there was open 
rebellion against the authority of the United States. It is true that 
the authority of the President was supreme until there was legislation^ 


hut in the exercise of his power all he could rightfully do was to be 
guided by the treaty with Spain, and to hold the islands and assert the 

sovereignty of the United States over them. 

* * 

"I am a Democrat, loyal to the party and its principles; but I am 
not an automatom, nor a slave to be moved by the party lash. 1 am 
trying to represent what I believe is best for my people and my section. 
and am content to let the future speak for itseli. The Constitution, as 
the handiwork of the fathers, has my love and reverence; but, Mr. 
President, there is something higher than the letter of the law. When- 
ever in our past histoiy the Constitution has come into conflict with 
the national sense of right and duty, it has given way. 

"Like the Sabbath, the Constitution was made for man, not man for 
the Constitution. The creature cannot be greater than the creator, 
and when as a nation we rise higher in moral purpose and great i. 
than the Constitution it has been changed, and changed more often 
by construction than amendment. The pr^n->> and the growth of 
our nation can have, and shall have, no constitutional restrictions 
which prevent its fullest development. 

Tuder a destiny unforeseen and uncontrolled by us, the power and 
institutions of the United States have been planted in the Kasr. I 
believe that if we do our duty, it mean* not only tin- elevation and 
uplifting of the peoples of that far-off land, but that it will add to the 
power and glory of our free institutions and the commercial supremacy 
of the nation." 

The President has sent another commission to the Philippines, of 
which Judge W. II. Taft of Ohio is the President. This commission is 
engaged in studying the conditions, customs and laws in the islands 
with a view to preparing a new code, and will make recommendations 
to the President and Congress. When the Spooner bill becomes a law 
a civil government will be established in the Philippines similar to 
that established in Louisiana bv President Thomas Jefferson. 



The Island of Porto Rico belongs to the United States, but it is not 
an integral part of the United States. This has been declared by the 
Treaty of Paris, by Congress and by the Federal courts. The Treaty of 
Peace with Spain by which the island was ceded to the United States 
provides that "the civil rights and political status of the inhabitants 
of the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined 
by Congress." In this particular the treaty with Spain is different from 
other treaties by which territory has been ceded to the United States. 
In all other treaties the political status and civil rights of the people 
in the territory ceded, as citizens, etc., of the United States was defined 
in the treaty which was binding on Congress. Louisiana; in 1803 and 
Florida in 1809, were purchased, New Mexico and California by con- 
quest and purchase, Alaska by purchase, Texas by annexation and some 
other territory by cession from the original States. In all these cases 
the territory became at once on approval of the treaty, by reason of its 
terms, a part of the United States and the people were clothed with the 
rights of citizens. By the ratification of the treaty with Spain the people 
of Porto Rico did not become citizens but remained native inhabitants 
with their political status and civil rights to be determined by Congress. 

Congress after much deliberation and one of the most elaborate 
discussions in recent years, passed a bill creating a civil government 
for Porto Rico in which the inhabitants are designated as. "citizens of 
Porto Rico," not as citizens of the United States. This distinction was 
deliberately made for the purpose of asserting the sovereign authority 
of Congress over the territory, and denying the old Calhoun doctrine 
that the Constitution by its own force extended over all territory as soon 
as acquired, giving all the rights of citizenship to the inhabitants of the 
territory as soon as it was ceded to the United States. 

The Republican party in its first National Convention in 1856 de- 
nounced this doctrine of John C. Calhoun and asserted the same right 
which Congress has exercised in legislating for Porto Rico. One of the 
planks in that first Republican platform adopted at Philadelphia forty- 
four years ago was as follows: 



"Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign 
power over the territories for their government, and that in the exer- 
cise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to pro- 
hibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and 

The Republican convention of 1HGO, which nominated Abraham 
Lincoln for President, reiterated the same declaration in the following 

"That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries 
shivery into any or all of the territories of the United States, is a dan- 
serous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that 
instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with 1< ^islative 
and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency and subversive 
of the peace and harmony of the country." 

The Fifty-sixth Congress exercised the right of sovereign power over 
the island of Porto Rico and gave the inhabitants of that island a civil 
government as liberal as any enjoyed by the territories of the United 
States, but drawing the line at citizenship in the United States, for the 
reason that only ten per cent of these inhabitants can read and write, 
and none have had experience in self-government to qualify them for 
American citizenship. Congress has left the inhabitants of Porto Rico 
to be admitted to citizenship when they are more capable of wisely ex- 
ercising the rights and duties of citizenship. 

The Porto Rico tariff provision, over which tin-re was so much con- 
troversy in Congress, is a means of raising revenue for the island, and 
it is to remain in force until the legislative assembly of the island shall 
have enacted and put in operation a system of local taxation to meet the 
necessities of the government of Porto Rico, and shall duly notify the 
President, when it will be his duty under the law to make proclama- 
tion of that fact and therefore all tariff duties between the United States 
and Porto Rico shall cease. And if the government of Porto Rico does not 
provide a method of local taxation to raise revenue all tariff barriers 
between the island and the United States shall be removed the first day 
of March, 1902, and there shall be free trade between all the ports of the 
island and all the ports of the country. This tariff provision is not a 
hardship upon the people of Porto Rico, but the reverse, since it pro- 
vides revenues for the local government without local taxation such as 
is enforced in every State and Territory in the United States. 

All food products from this country are admitted into Porto Rico 


free of duty and all Porto Rico products which would be subject to the 
Dingley tariff rates are admitted to this country at 15 per cent of the 
Dingley rates, and all these revenues collected in this country as well 
as those collected in Porto Rico are to be set apart to meet the expenses 
of the Porto Rico government. The sugar and coffee and tobacco plant- 
ers pay this duty and the whole people of Porto Rico get the benefit of it. 
The constitutional question set aside, the legislation for Porto Rico is 
more generous than that for any territory of the United States that has 
been organized since the beginning of the government. 

The act passed by Congress creating a civil government for Porto 
Rico provides that the same tariffs, customs and duties shall be levied 
and collected upon all articles imported into Porto Rico from other ports 
than those in the United States, which are required by law to be col- 
lected upon articles imported into the United States. It makes, how- 
ever, these exceptions: On all coffee imported into Porto Rico there shall 
be levied and collected a duty of 5 cents per pound. This is the first dis- 
crimination in the law and it is in favor of Porto Rico. All coffee coming 
into the United States is duty free as no coffee is produced in this coun- 
try. But one of the principle products of Porto Rico is coffee and the 
principle of protection is applied in the law to protect the coffee industry 
in the island from foreign competition. If Porto Rico had been regarded 
as a part of the United States entitled to free trade with this country 
its coffee could not have been protected. 

The law also excepts for ten years all Spanish scientific, literary and 
artistic work not subversive to public order and these are to be admitted 
free of duty; also all books and pamphlets printed in the English lan- 
guage are to be admitted free of duty when imported from the United 

Then the act provides that all merchandise coming into the United 
States from Porto Rico and into Porto Rico from the United States shall 
be entered at the several ports of entry upon the payment of fifteen per 
cent of the duties which are by law required to be paid upon such ar- 
ticles when imported from a foreign country. This is the second dis- 
crimination in the law. It is against Porto Rico considered as a part of 
the United States and in favor of Porto Rico with the island considered 
as not a part of the United States entitled to free trade. There is^an 
exception to this provision which makes free of duty all articles im- 
ported into Porto Rico which the President by executive order had made 


free of duty. This list includes the following articles: Flour, bacon, 
rice, pork, codfish, mutton, fresh beef, coopers' models and wood cut for 
making casks for sugar or molasses, bags for sugar, machinery for mak- 
ing and refining sugar, plows, hoes, machetes, agricultural implements, 
hatchets, rough lumber, school furniture and lime. 

All articles on the free list in the United States are of course free in 
Porto Rico whether imported from the United States or a foreign coun- 
try. All articles of Porto Rican manufacture or production which would 
come under the Internal revenue laws of this country must pay the in- 
ternal revenue tax provided by law when they are imported into the 
United States. Otherwise the}' bear no taxation because no internal 
revenue is collected in the island. 

This whole tariff provision in the law is to remain in force until 
March 1, 1902, unless the legislative-assembly of Porto Rico shall before 
that time provide and put in operation a system of local taxation to mee; 
the necessary expenses of the government of the island. Whenever the 
legislative assembly shall provide this system of local taxation all tariff 
duties shall be abolished and the island have absolute free trade with 
the United States. But whether the assembly shall provide this system 
or not the present tariff law shall be in force only until March 1, 1JMHJ, 
and after that (here shall be five trade. 

Section 1 provides that all the money collected under this tariff law 
shall be held in a separate fund by the United States Treasury and 
placed at the disposal of the President to be used for the government 
and benefit of Porto Rico. This includes not only the duties-collected in 
Porto Rico, but those collected in the United States upon Porto Ricau 
products. When the civil government was established in Porto Rico all 
collections made in the island were under this law paid into the treasury 
of Porto Rico. 

The general provisions of the law are: That the capital of Porto 
Rico shall be at the City of San Juan; that all the inhabitants except- 
ing those who choose to remain citizens of Spain and return to that 
country, "shall be citizens of Porto Rico and as such entitled to the pro- 
tection of the United States;" that the laws and ordinances now in force 
in Porto Rico shall continue in effect except as altered, amended or modi- 
fied hereafter; that the law which was in force at the time of cession 
forbidding the marriage of priests, ministers or followers of any faith be- 
cause of vows they may have taken, and continued by the order promul- 


gated by Major-General Henry, is repealed and annulled and that all 
persons lawfully married in Porto Rico shall have all the rights and rem- 
edies conferred by law upon the parties to either civil or religious mar- 
riages. The law also provides for the nationalization of all vessels 
owned by citizens of Porto Rico and for their admission to the benefits 
of the coasting trade of the United States; it also provides for the estab- 
lishment of quarantine stations and the Marine Hospital service in the 
island. Section 10 provides that for the purpose of retiring the Porto 
Rican coins in circulation and substituting therefor the coins of the 
United States the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized to redeem all 
silver coins of Porto Rico known as the peso and all other silver and 
copper coins in circulation in the island at the established rate of sixty 
cents in the coins of the United States for one peso of Porto Rican coin 
and for all minor or subsidiary coins the same rate of exchange. 

All expenses incurred on account of the government of Porto Rico 
for salaries of officials and the conduct of their offices shall be paid by 
the treasurer of the island out of the revenues in his custody. The statu- 
tory laws of the United States not locally inapplicable are to have the 
same force and effect in Porto Rico as in the United States except the 
internal revenue laws. All judicial process in the island shall run in 
the name of the "United States of America SS:" and "The President of 
the United States" and all criminal or penal prosecutions in the local 
courts are to be conducted in the name "the people of Porto Rico." 

The law provides for a Chief Executive officer who shall be known as 
the Governor of Porto Rico. He is appointed by the President and con- 
firmed by the Senate and he holds his office for a term of four years. He 
must reside in Porto Rico and maintain his office at the capital of the 
island. He has the power to grant pardons and reprieves and remit fines 
for the offenses against the laws of Porto Rico and respites for offenses 
against the laws of the United States until the decision of the Presi- 


dent can be ascertained. He has the power of veto, is commander-in- 
chief of the militia and must annually make report to the President of 
the United States. 

An executive council is provided, to be appointed by the President 
and confirmed by the Senate. This council shall be made up of five 
executive officers, namely, a secretary, an attorney general, a treasurer, 
an auditor, a commissioner of the interior and a commissioner of educa- 
tion, who shall have executive duties to perform and shall also, with 


five other persons who shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico, consti- 
tute the executive council. There shall also be a House of Delegates, to 
consist of thirty-five members elected by the voters of Porto Rico, ami 
this House of Delegates and the Executive Council shall be designated 
as the Legislative Assembly of Porto Rico. For the purposes of election 
the island is divided into seven districts, and each district shall be en- 
titled to five members of the House of Delegates. At these elections 
all citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been Imna 
fide residents of the district for one year and who possess the other 
qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in force at 
the time of the passage of the law. 

The chief Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court and 
the Marshal are to be appointed by the President and confirmed by the 
Senate, while the judges of the District Court are appointed by the 
Governor ;uid confirmed by the Executive Council. The law provides for 
a United States District Court, and this court shall have jurisdiction 
of all cases cognizant in the Circuit Courts of the United States. The 
laws of the United States relating to appeals, writs of en or, etc., shall 
govern in such matters and proceedings as between the District Court 
of the United States and the courts of Porto K'ico. Writs of error and 
appeals from the final decisions of the Supreme Court of Porto K'ico and 
the District Courts of the Tinted States shall be allowed and may b;> 
taken to the Supreme Court of the United States in the same manner 
as from the Supreme Courts of Territories of the United States. 

The Legislature of Porto Kico, consisting of the Executive Council 
and the House of Delegates, has authority over all matters that would 
come under the authority of a Territorial legislature, including power 
to create, consolidate and reorganize municipalities; also to repeal or 
modify all laws now in force in the island. Hut all grants of franchises 
and concessions of a .quasi-public nature shall be made by the Executive 
Council with the approval of the Governor, and must be reported to 
Congress, which reserves the power to annul or modify them. 

This act creating a civil government for Porto Rico is in many par- 
ticulars similar to the acts for the organization of Territories. Its rhief 
differences from these acts is in not making the inhabitants of the island 
citizens of the United States, and in not applying the internal revenue 
laws there. There were valid reasons for both these exceptions. Con- 
gress was not ready to incorporate the inhabitants of Porto Rico and 


the Philippines into the Union. The treaty of Paris had made a distinc- 
tion in this matter by not pledging the government to make them citi- 
zens. We had taken these islands not because we desired them, but 
because the cause of humanity and our own peace and security dictated 
that they should not continue under the control of Spain. The treaty 
left the political status of the inhabitants to be determined by Congress, 
and Congress without the fullest investigation did not feel warranted in 
making them citizens. It was considered advisable to give them a civil 
government, but not to incorporate them into the citizenship of the 
United States. That is left to the developments of the future. 

The President, in his message said, "The time is ripe for the adoption 
of a temporary form of government for Porto Rico." In the course of his 
discussion of this subject he said: 

"It must be borne in mind that since the cession Porto Eico has 
been denied the principal markets she had long enjoyed, and our tariffs 
have been continued against her products as when she was under Span- 
ish sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products except 
upon terms to which the commerce of all nations is subjected. The 
island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle and tobacco without cus- 
toms duties, now imposes the same duties upon these products as from 
anv other country entering her ports. She has therefore lost her free 
intercourse with Spain and Cuba without any compensating benefits in 
this market. Her coffee was little known and not in use by our people, 
and therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief prod- 
ucts. The markets of the United States should be opened up to her 
products. Our plain duty is to abolish all customs tariffs between the 
United States and Porto Rica and give her products free access to our 

These were the President's recommendations, and in trying to follow 
them Congress enacted the law which provides a government for Porto 

The law does not grant to Porto Rico free trade with the United 
States at once. The legal Dingley tariff has been reduced 85 per cent, 
and only 15 per cent is left on imports from Porto Rico. That 15 per 
cent is returned to Porto Rico to pay the expenses of the government 
in the island. The law was like the war, a humanitarian measure, for 
the benefit of Porto Rico and not for the benefit of the United States. 
In the discussion of this bill it was asked why not treat Porto Rico as 


well as the Territories. The answer was that Congress proposed to treat 
Porto Rico better than it had treated the Territories. Porto Rico was 
an orphan and appealed to the sympathies of this government. The 
committee which framed the bill found that if a civil government were 
provided for Porto Rico as the President recommended there would be 
necessary for its support not less than s.,000,000 a year. They found 
also that an additional million dollars would be required to support 
the municipal governments of the island, making an aggregate of not 
less than 81,000,000. They found that the total valuation of property 
of all kinds situated in the island would not exceed, for taxation pur- 
poses, 100,000,000. They found that this property was already bur- 
dened with a private debt, evidenced by mortgages on record to the 
amount of about $20,000,000 of principal, with an accumulation of sev- 
eral years' interest at extravagant rates, that swelled the sum to prob- 
ably $30,000,000. They found, in short, that poverty, bankruptcy, and 
ruin prevailed everywhere. 

The committee also found that the public revenues of the island, 
except only such as were raised by a burdensome and complicated excise 
tax on incomes and business vocations had always been chiefly raised 
by duties on imports and exports, a system with which the people wer-- 
therefore familiar. The committee further found that this system was 
already in operation, and thai revenues wen- then and constantly 1. 
collected, upon which, so far as they went, the government could at 
once depend. The committee further found that our internal revenu" 
laws, if applied in that island, would prove oppressive and ruinous to 
many people and interests. The committee also found that the coffee 
grown in Porto Rico is of the highest grade and quality, and that it has 
always been protected by a tariff duty high enough to keep out of Porto 
Rico the cheap and low grades of coffee grown in Central and South 
America. We do not grow coffee, and therefore we admit it into the 
United States free of duty. 

The committee in framing its bill decided first to find some way to 
exempt the people of the island from direct taxation of their property, 
such as every State and Territory had always been subject to. They 
next decided not to enforce the internal revenue laws in Porto Rico and 
that the revenues for the island should be by a tax on importations. 
But it was found that the tariff duties applied under the Dinglev law, 
on importations from foreign countries would not raise sufficient reve- 


nue for the civil government. To make up the deficit the committee de- 
cided to apply a part of the Dingley rates on importations from the 
United States and also reduce the Dingley rates in this country 85 per 
cent and give all this revenue to the island for two years. It was a 
unique plan and met opposition from Republicans as well as Democrats, 
but it prevailed because it was the only means of supporting the new 
civil government to be inaugurated without burdening the people with 
direct taxation for which their misfortunes had disqualified them. The 
law was unique in its generosity. No such exemption from the burdens 
of local taxation was ever given to a Territory in the United States. 
For instance, Arizona last year paid into the United States Treasury 
in internal revenue taxes $251,653 and f 49,650 of this was returned to 
the Territory in providing a government. New Mexico and Oklahoma 
presented similar figures, while Alaska paid f 1,190,282 into the Treasury 
and received only $263,150 in the way of support for the territorial 

The people of a Territory pay taxes for the support of the General 
Government precisely the same as do the people of the States. If a resi- 
dent in New Mexico makes cigars, for example, he pays the same inter- 
nal-revenue taxes as are paid by a resident of Minnesota. In both cases 
the money collected goes into the National Treasury. In neither case 
does any of it go back to the State or to the Territory for the building 
of roads or the support of schools therein. The very purpose of organ- 
izing a Territory is to give the people therein control and management; 
of such purely local matters. And the expenses for these local improve- 
ments wagon roads, bridges, schools, the care of the poor and other 
unfortunates, and other purely local affairs are paid, in the Territories 
as in the States, by direct taxation of the persons and property therein. 

Not a dollar is appropriated from the National Treasury for such 
things in the Territories any more than for similar things in the States. 
The only money that goes from the National Treasury into either States 
or Territories, with very rare exceptions, is that which goes to pay for 
the improvement of rivers and harbors, the construction of Federal 
buildings, the payment of postmasters and other Federal offi rials, and 
such other expenditures as are Federal in their nature. The only excep- 
tion to this rule is in the case of Porto Rico in treating her better than 
we have ever before treated any Territory of the United States! 

The tariff provision of this law is unique but not unprecedented in 


its coutinuance of tariff duties against Porto Rican products into thb.. 
country for two years or less. When Louisiana was annexed the Secre- 
tary of the Treasury gave directions that "until otherwise provided for 
the same duties are to be collected on the importation of goods in the 
Mississippi district from New Orleans and vice versa, as heretofore." 

In 1819 when Florida was annexed the Treasury Department mad, 1 
the same decision, and when Texas was annexed in 1845 the Treasury 
Department gave this instruction to collectors of customs: 

"First. Although there is now a solemn compact obligatory upon 
both parties for the admission of Texas as a State of the Union, yet 
until further action of the Congress of the United States upon this sub- 
ject, and instructions founded thereon from this Department, you will 
collect duties, as heretofore, upon all the imports from Texas into t la- 
United States." 

A similar question arose in relation to exports from Florida into 
New Orleans in 1819, when it was decided by tin 1 Treasury Department 
"that all goods which have been, or may be, imported from Pensacola, 
before an act of Congress shall be passed, erecting it into a collection 
district, and authorizing the appointment of an officer to reside thereat, 
for the purpose of superintending the collection of duties, will be liable 
to duty." 

When Hawaii was annexed in ISDN the joint resolution adopted by 
Congress contained this provision : 

"Until legislation shall be enacted extending the United States cus- 
toms laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the existing customs 
relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and other 
countries shall remain unchanged/' 

Thus we see that all through history it has been the practice of the 
government to allow a period of time to elapse after the acquirement of 
territory before extending over that territory the Constitution and the 
laws of the United States. The length of time has always been fixed by 
Congress, as in the case of Porto Rico. It is therefore not unprecedented 
that Porto Rican imports into the United States are to be taxed for two 
years to come, but it is unprecedented that this tax has been reduced 
85 per cent and also that the revenues received from this tariff goes to 
Porto Rico rather than into the Treasury of the United States as a part 
of the general fund of this government. 

The effect of the new Porto Rican tariff act was plainly perceptible 


in the commerce between the United States and that island during the 
month of May the first month of the civil government. The Monthly 
Summary of Commerce and Finance, just issued by the Treasury Bureau 
of Statistics, shows that exports to Porto Rico have more than doubled 
as compared with the preceding May, and imports from the island have 
nearly doubled. Exports to the island from the United States in May, 

1899, were $305,564 and in May, 1900, $696,479. The imports into the 
United States from the island in May, 1899, were $647,179 and in May, 

1900, $1,103,867. This increase is the more remarkable because it had 
been understood that the people of Porto Rico had little to sell and little 
with which to buy, since the hurricane of August, 1899, had gone far to 
impoverish the people of that island. 

It is also interesting to observe that the May commerce with Porto 
Rico shows a much greater increase than is the case with any of the 
other islands. With Cuba the commerce of May differed little from 
that of May, 1899, and this was also the case with the Hawaiian Islands; 
while in the Philippine Islands the imports show no increase, though the 
exports show a remarkable gain. 

The following tables show our exports to and imports from each of 
the islands in May, 1900, compared with May, 1899: 

Exports: May, 1899. May, 1900. 

Cuba $2,124,679 $2,155,882 

Porto Rico 305,564 696,479 

Hawaii 1,236,700 1,429,140 

Philippines 63,905 258,214 

Samoa, Tonga, etc 2,159 26,108 

Imports: May, 1899. May, 1900. 

Cuba $4,762,970 $4,791,787 

Porto Rico 647,179 1,103,867 

Hawaii 2,384,738 2,315,728 

Philippines 622,101 695,243 

Samoa, etc 100 4,485 

Governor Allen, who has been in Porto Rico as the Executive of the 
island since May 1, declares that the tariff law has been a great success, 
and that the people of Porto Rico are satisfied. Since the first week of 
civil rule there has been a surplus. The receipts from customs at San 
Juan the first week were only $1,500. The second week they were $8.000, 
and the first week in July they were over $32.000. The average receipts 
of the island will, on this basis, be over $100,000 a month, and the total 


for the year may amount to 1,500,000 instead of f 750,000 as estimated 
by the committee which framed the law. Governor Allen says that the 
most intelligent Porto Hicans are looking forward with apprehension to 
the time when the island shall be given free trade with the Tinted States 
and compelled to establish a system of internal taxation as in the Terri- 
tories of this country. They prefer the present arrangement. 

The courts have not yet passed upon the constitutionality of (his act 
creating a civil government for Porto Him. The United Stales Circuit 
Court for the Southern Circuit of New York has decided that ihc treaty 
is valid and that so far as the tariff law is concerned Porto Kico is a for- 
eign country and not under the Constitution of the United States. A firm 
<.f tobacco importers in New York protested against the assessment of 
tariff duties on Porto Hican tobacco on the Around that Porto Kico is 
not a foreign country and thai "therefore the imposition of duties on 
goods brought from a place within the territory of the 1'niled Stales 
into a port of the United States is not lawful and valid under the Con- 
stitution." This case was appealed from tin- General Hoard of Ap- 
praisers to the Circuit Court of the I'nited States, and .Judge Townseiit 
decided against the importers. 

In his decision, .Judge Townseiit reviewed the history of the acquisi- 
tion of territory by treaty, and then said: 

"Before cession under conquest Porto Hico was a part of the United 
States as to foreign nations; the de facto title to the soil was in the 
United States, but its inhabitants were foreigners to the Constitution, 
and the provision for uniformity of duties had no application there. 
(Fleming vs. Page supra.) Uy cession the title becomes de jure, but in 
the status of the islanders as foreigners and so in the status of Porto 
Rico as a foreign country no change was to lie made until Congress 
should determine its character. 

"The treaty vests the sovereignty over the island in the United 
States, but postpones changes in the relations of its people, and in its 
relations to the body politic, until Congress shall determine what rela- 
tions shall be best suited to the conditions of its inhabitants and to the 
welfare of the United States. Since Congress, at the time of this im- 
portation, had not performed this condition of incorporation, the status 

of Porto Hico, except as to other nations, remains unchanged." 

* * * 

"The only remaining ground upon which it ran be urged that Porto 


Rico status has been changed is that the treaty is unconstitutional. Thus 
far in the history of our country no treaty has ever been adjudged in- 
valid on this ground. A treaty is not only the law of our land, but also 
a contract of the United States with another nation. A court would 
not be justified in overruling the act of the treaty making power unless 
its reasons for so doing were strong and imperative. 

"The sole constitutional question is this: May our Government by 
treaty accept the title of and sovereignty over territory and at the same 
time preserve its status as foreign country so far as internal relations to 
us are concerned? Can we, in other words, hold sovereignty over terri- 
tory without incorporating it into the United States?" 



The war with Spain had its origin in the declaration of Congress 
that the people of Cuba are aud of right ought to be free and independ- 
ent. For two years there has been much suspicion aroused by Demo- 
cratic accusation that this declaration was made in a Pickwickian sense 
and that the United States plucked "the pearl of the Antilles" from the 
Spanish crown to adorn that of the American Republic, but in ( wo years 
the wise and tactful administration of Cuban affairs under military au- 
thority has brought order out of chaos and the Cuban people are prepar- 
ing for the election of delegates to a constitutional convention. The 
order for this election was issued by Secretary Koot Tuesday, July 31, 
1900. The convention to frame a new constitution for an independent 
Cuba will be in session at the time when the voters of this country are 
deciding the issue of this campaign and whether they will uphold or 
defeat the present administration. This is a complete answer to the 
charge that the M< Kinley administration did not intend to withdraw 
American troops from Cuba, but sought to annex the island as a terri- 
tory of the United States. The order of Secretary Root is as follows: 

Whereas, The Congress of the United States, by its joint resolution 
of April 20, 1898, declared "that the people of the Island of Cuba are, 
and of right ought to be, free and independent; that the United Slates 
hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, 
jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification 
thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to 
leave the government and control of the island to its people"; and 

Whereas, the people of Cuba have established municipal govern- 
ments, deriving their authority from the suffrages of the people given 
under just and equal laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to pro- 
ceed to the establishment of a general government, which shall assume 
and exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction and control over the island; 

Therefore it is ordered that a general election be held in the Island of 
Cuba on the third Saturday of September, in the year 1900, to elect dele- 
gates to a convention to meet in the city of Havana at twelve o'clock 
noon on the first Monday of November, in the year 1900, to frame and 
adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba, and, as a part thereof, to. 
provide for and agree with the government of the United States upon 



the relations to exist between that government and the government of 
Cuba, and to provide for the election by the people of officers under such 
constitution and the transfer of government to the officers so elected. 

The election will be held in the several voting precincts of the island 
under and pursuant to the provisions of the electoral law of April 18, 
1900, and the amendments thereof. 

The order also apportions delegates among the provinces. The prov- 
ince of Pinar del Rio will elect three delegates, Havana eight, Matanzas 
four, Santa Clara seven, Puerto Principe two and Santiago seven. 

Two years ago there were few people in this country who believed 
that a stable government could be organized in Cuba within the next 
ten years, while the outside world would not be convinced that the 
United States even desired to give Cuba an independent government. 
Egypt was offered as a visible proof that the temporary occupation 
meant permanent occupation. Europe could not understand the Ameri- 
can policy and love of freedom and believed that a war for humanity 
was only a war for aggression. No island ever offered worse conditions 
for redemption from disorder. A seventh of the population had in three 
years perished of hunger. A tattered army that had fought for inde- 
pendence, sullenly demanded immediate control of the island after the 
United States had driven out Spain. JThe revolutionary warfare against 
Spain had destroyed property on sugar plantations estimated at $868,- 
000,000, a yield of 100,000,000 tons of sugar had dropped to 250,000, the 
loss in live stock had been as heavy as other losses and the island was 
denuded of cattle and other domestic animals. Poverty and starvation 
were not the only difficulties which Cuba faced. It had its double race 
question. In a population of only 1,500,000 there were nearly 130,000 
Spanish immigrants, nearly 80,000 other immigrants and half a million 
of negro or mixed negro ancestors. In other words, one-half the popula- 
tion was negro and foreign. Of the whole population over ten years of 
age one-half were illiterate. The church question touched every rela- 
tion of life. Sepulture was in the exclusive control of the priest, and 
high fees for marriage had bred a wholesale concubinage embracing a 
fifth of the population of marriageable age. Sanitary improvements 
were unknown and Havana was a breeding ground for yellow fever. 
The cynical corruption for centuries had left its impress on the whole 
people and honesty was regarded as an unknown quantity in official life. 

This was the problem which confronted the United States when the 

i, THE \'E\\' CUBA. 

Spanish army was withdrawn and this government became responsible 
for the conduct of Cuban affairs and also for the stability of government 
which should be organized by the people of the island. Yet in two years 
from the date of conquest and eighteen months after formal occupation 
the call is issued for a constitutional convention. The Cuban army has 
been peacefully dissolved and its strongest division has become an effi- 
cient police for Havana. Order and security exist throughout the 
island. Freedom for marriage and lay sepulture have come. The reve- 
nues have been freed fnun a debt charged of 112,600,000 and military 
charges of S.~>,<M)0,000. The Spanish army was supported by Cuba. The 
United States army in Cuba pays its own bills. Win-re nothing had 
been spent for sanitation under Spanish rule, in 1M!> more than S.',000,- 
000 was devoted to this reform and Havana has become one of the 
healthiest of tropical cities. Last year in August the deaths from yellow 
fever in Havana were 10, where, in the last year of peace, 1SJMJ, there had 
been L'!M; deaths in the same month. In Santiago the water supply was 
doubled, the death rah- halved, the birth rate increased, sewerage intro- 
duced and yellow fever suppressed. Out of .",00, 000 children of school 
age less than 50,00(1 had ever been in a school house. Today Cuba has 
a school system covering the island with U,.~00 teachers, who are now 
enjoying the hospitality and sharing the instruction of the oldest and 
most conspicuous university in America. ( 'ourts have been ptiritied and 
bribery in them has been exposed and punished. Fraud and corruption 
have been as unsparingly attacked in American as in Cuban appointees. 
Not one charge made in regard to the administration of Cuban affairs 
under American control but has been sifted and guilt has been pun- 
ished. Last spring municipal elections were held, which demonstrated 
ihe possibilities of self-government for the Cubans. Municipal self-gov- 
ernment already exists. Monopolies have been abolished and odious 
taxes on occupations repealed. No concessions have been made; no 
'barters have been issued; no Cuba bonds have been sold. All these 
things were predicted as the result of American control. None of them 
have been realized. In September t he voters of ( 'uba will select delegates 
to their constitutional convention. That convention will meet in '"No- 
vember and proceed to the adoption of a constitution for ("uba. 

The American occupation of Cuba has bridged over the chaos which 
would have resulted from the revolution and the withdrawal of Spain. 
The first duty, that of pacifying t he island and maintaining public order, 

THE A'L'/F CUBA. 227 

could have been fulfilled by no other agency so effectively. The founda- 
tions of political and industrial reconstruction could have been laid by 
no other means. The American military officials have set a good ex- 
ample for the Cubans who will follow them. The American standard of 
integrity has been an important object lesson throughout the island. 

What the constitution for Cuba shall be is left largely to the Cuban 
people. The constitutional convention will be a test of the ability of 
Cuban leaders to formulate a constitution which will give to the people 
a government suited to their needs and realizing their aspirations. It 
will, however, have to submit that constitution to this government for 
approval, because, in the treaty of peace with Spain, this government 
assumed responsibility and pledged itself not to permit internal mis- 
government in the future. The United States is a continuous protecting 
power over Cuba. 

In his last message President McKinley discussed this question as 

"This nation has assumed before the world a grave responsibility for 
the future good government of Cuba. We have accepted a trust the ful- 
fillment of which calls for the sternest integrity of purpose and the exer- 
cise of the highest wisdom. The new Cuba yet to arise from the ashes 
df the past must needs be bound to us by ties of singular intimacy and 
strength if its enduring welfare is to be assured. Whether those ties 
shall be organic or conventional, the destinies of Cuba are in some right- 
ful form and manner irrevocably linked with our own, but how and how 
far is for the future to determine in the ripeness of events. Whatever 
be the outcome, we must see to it that free Cuba be a reality, not a name; 
a perfect entity, not a hasty experiment bearing within itself the ele- 
ments of failure. Our mission, to accomplish which we took up the 
wager of battle, is not to be fulfilled by turning adrift any loosely 
framed commonwealth to face the vicissitudes which too often attend 
weaker states whose natural wealth and abundant resources are offset 
by the incongruities of their political organization and the recurring 
occasions for internal rivalries to sap their strength and dissipate their 
energies. The greatest blessing which can come to Cuba is the restora- 
tion of her agricultural and industrial prosperity, which will give em- 
ployment to idle men and re-establish the pursuits of peace. This is her 
chief and immediate need," 



In its foreign policy the McKinley administration has had one aim 
to keep the United States out of all entangling alliances so that the 
Government can always be free to act independently and to maintain 
a distinctly American position. The Monroe Doctrine stands higher 
to-day as an accepted tenet of American politics recognized and re- 
spected by all the world than it ever stood before. This is due not to 
chance, nor to hazard but to the successful development of a deliberate 
program pursued intelligently by President M< -Kinley and his suc- 
cessive Secretaries of State. This, in itself, is a triumph for the admin- 
istration sufficient to signalize it if there had been no other achieve- 

In the Peace Conference at The Hague in 1899 the American repre- 
sentatives without pledging the I'nited States to any course which 
might lead to international entanglements secured in the treaty a 
specific declaration in which for the first time the Monroe Doctrine re- 
ceives formal recognition by representatives of European powers. The 
delegates of the 1'nited States at The Hague conference joined with 
the representatives of other powers in earnestly advocating the estab- 
lishment of a permanent international tribunal for the peaceful settle- 
ment of international quarrels, but in signing the convention framed 
by the conference they were not unmindful of the inconveniences which 
might arise from an obtrusive exercise of mediation, and so carefully 
guarded the historic position of the United States by the following 

"Nothing contained in this convention shall be so construed as to 
require the United States of America to depart from its traditional 
policy of not intruding upon, interfering with or entangling itself in 
the political questions or policy or internal administration of any for- 
eign state; nor shall anything contained in the said convention be 
construed to imply a relinquishment by the United States of America 
of its traditional attitude toward purely American questions." 

Thus for the first time in a formal document duly signed by repre- 



sentatives of all the great powers there appears an unmistakable 
declaration that the traditional attitude of the United States towards 
purely American questions is to be respected. That traditional atti- 
tude, it is needless to say, finds its expression in the Monroe Doctrine 
that European nations are to keep hands off in the adjustment of 
American affairs. 

A second instance where the administration took a long step for- 
ward in establishing the permanency of the Monroe Doctrine was in 
the negotiation of the Ilay-Pauncefote treaty, by which Great Britain 
abandoned her right to partnership in the construction and control of 
the Nicaraguan Canal, while still respecting that clause of the Clayton- 
Bulwer treaty in which Great Britain was pledged to the observance 
of the Monroe Doctrine in Central America. The Clayton-Bulwer treaty 
was made at our solicitation in pursuance of our long established and 
often proclaimed policy. In it we provided for the free use of the 
Nicaraguan Canal by all nations and also for the extension to Central 
America of our own historical policy, the Monroe Doctrine. The first 
article of the treaty contains this solemn pledge: 

"The United States and Great Britain hereby declare that neither 
one nor the other will ever obtain or maintain for itself any exclusive 
control over the said ship canal; agreeing that neither will over erect 
or maintain any fortifications commanding the same or in the vicinity 
thereof or occupy or fortify or colonize or assume or exercise any 
dominion over Nicaragua, Costa Kica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part 
of Central America." 

Here were two distinct provisions. At the time the treaty was 
negotiated it was believed that both provisions were to the advantage 
of the United States. One provided for joint control of the canal, the 
other pledged Great Britain to the observance of the Monroe Doctrine 
in Central America the first recognition in a treaty by any nation of 
the doctrine we had so long proclaimed and pressed. As time went on 
it appeared that the first of these provisions might hamper the United 
States in the construction of the canal; but the second provision it is 
still to the interest of the United States to preserve. In ihe Hay-Paunce- 
fote treaty the McKinley administration has succeeded in inducing 
Great Britain to withdraw her claims to joint control of the canal, while 
making no change which would effect that provision of the Clayton- 


Bulwer treaty containing an explicit recognition of the Monroe Doc- 
trine, assuming the riayton-Bulwer treaty still to be in force. 

A striking example of the success of the McKinley administration in 
steering clear of entangling alliances and embarrassing complications 
with other nations while at the same time preserving American inter- 
ests and advancing I hem is given in the solution of the ditttciilt problem 
presented by the tripartite agreement in Samoa. For many years the 
Samoan question had been a source of annoyance and of serious trouble 
for successive administrations. In 1S7S a treaty was concluded between 
the United States and the government of the Samoan islands, the prin- 
cipal article of which provided for the establishment of a naval station 
in Pango-pango Harbor in the island of Tuilla. American naval and 
commercial interests demanded that the Tinted States should watch 
closely the development of affairs in the archipelago where rival com- 
mercial interests of Great Britain and Germany were constantly seek- 
ing to take advantage of the disturbed conditions in the island. After 
years of diplomatic correspondence accompanied by serious outbreaks 
in the islands a conference was held in Berlin attended by representa- 
tives of (lermany, (Jreat Britain and the United States. The result of 
this conference was a tripartite agreement signed June 14, 1880, the 
purpose of which was to preserve the neutrality and autonomous gov- 
ernment of the islands and provide for equal rights the reign of the 
three signatory powers, their citizens and subjects. 

Under the tripartite agreement complications were constantly aris- 
ing. It was found to be impossible to preserve without friction the 
interests of all concerned, and dilliciilties developed which at times 
threatened to precipitate hostilities. The problem proved too serious 
a one for the Cleveland administration to solve. President Cleveland 
and his Secretaries of State harrassed and worried by the continual 
insurrections and by the diplomatic questions arising from them could 
think of no way out of their embarrassment except by resorting to the 
"scuttle" policy which was such a favorite with the last Democratic 
administration. After referring the matter to Congress in successive 
messages President Cleveland at last in his annual message of Decem- 
ber 3d, 1894, -actually recommended that the United States should with- 
draw from its engagements with the other powers. The proposition 
struck Congress as unpleasantly as the prior proposition of the Cleve- 
land administration to withdraw from our engagements in Hawaii 


and restore Liliuokalani to the throne from which she had been de- 
posed by an outraged people. 

When the McKinley administration came into power it found mat- 
ters in this shape. It took up the question with the same breadth of 
view and with the same regard for American interests that has char- 
acterized its treatment of all diplomatic problems. The business came 
to a, head in the summer of 1899. The election according to the law 
and customs of Samoa of a successor to the late king Malatoa Laupepa 
developed a contest as to the validity of the result. By the terms of 
the Berlin agreement the question was to be decided by the Chief Jus- 
tice. Upon his rendering a judgment in favor of one of the candidates 
Malatoa Tanu, the rival chief Mataafa took up arms. The active in- 
tervention of American and British warships became imperative to 
restore order and sanguinary encounters resulted. In this emergency 
a joint commission of representatives of the United States, Germany 
and Great Britain was sent to Samoa to investigate and provide a tem- 
porary remedy. Through these efforts a peaceful solution was reached 
for the time, the kingship being abolished and a provisional government 
established. Recommendations unanimously made by the commission 
for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan question were taken under 
consideration by the three powers. Bat the more they were examined 
the more evident it became that a radical change was necessary in the 
relations of the powers to Samoa. The inconveniences and possible 
perils of the Tripartite scheme of supervision and control, by powers 
having little interest, in common in the islands beyond commercial 
rivalry had been strongly emphasized by events, the representatives of 
the other powers having failed to sustain the decision of the American 
Chief Justice which they professed to regard as prejudicial to their 
interests. The Joint Commission suggested a remedy amounting to 
w r hat has been styled a Tri-dominium the exercise of the functions of 
sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of free powers. The situation 
had become far more intricate and embarrassing from every point of 
view than it was in 1894 when President Cleveland recommended the 
withdrawal of the United States. The McKinley administration took 
hold of it with a purpose to simplify complications, remove sources 
of possible embarrassment and retain unimpaired advantages already 
gained by the United States in the way of commerce and in the pop- 
session of Pago Pago Harbor, the finest body of enclosed water in the 
Pacific Ocean. 


The result is known. It was described as follows by President 
McKinley in his annual message of December 31, 1899: 

"The arrangement under which Samoa was administered had proved 
impracticable and unacceptable to all the powers concerned. To with- 
draw from the agreement and abandon the islands to Germany and 
Great Britain would not be compatible with our interests in the archi- 
pelago. To relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best 
anchorage in the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been leased to 
the United States in 1878 by the first foreign treaty ever concluded by 
Samoa, was not to be thought of either as regards the needs of our 
navy or the interests of our growing commerce witli the East. We 
could not have considered any proposition for the abrogation of the 
Tripartite control which did not confirm us in all our rights and safe- 
guard all our national interests in the islands. 

"Our views commended themselves to other powers, A satisfactory 
arrangement was concluded between the governments of Germany and 
of England by virtue of which England retired from Samoa in view 
of compensations in other directions and both powers renounced in 
favor of the United States all their rights and claims over and in 
respect to that portion of the group lying to the east of the 171st de- 
gree of West Longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo, Olo- 
senga and Manua." 

The United States thus secured by convention the island of Tutuila 
containing the magnificent harbor of Pago Pago, leaving to Germany 
the island of Upolu with the town and harbor of Apia. The conven- 
tion guarantees to us the same privileges and conditions in respect to 
commerce and commercial vessels in all of the islands of Samoa as 
those possessed by Germany. We now control that island and with 
the consent of the governed. 

Here again was a diplomatic achievement which would have been 
sufficient in itself to signalize any ordinary administration. With the 
McKinley administration it is only one among many. 

Overshadowing all other diplomatic questions with which the ad- 
ministration has had to deal are those growing out of the development 
of American commerce and interests in the far East. With all the 
great European powers looking with jealous eyes towards the limitless 
markets of China, with some of them reaching out to secure concessions 
of territory, with at lenst one of them striving to extend its boundaries 



across the Chinese frontier to the sea, the United States at the be^in- 
ning of the McKiuley administration found itself compelled to exercise 
the highest diplomatic skill in order to retain its own commercial ad- 
vantages as acquired by treaty and as developed by American enter- 

The acquisition of the Philippines had given the United States a 
naval and commercial base at the gateway of the Orient and had 
brought with it a high responsibility as well as a right to demand con- 
sideration in whatever plans the powers had in view for the future of 
China. President McKinley has not hesitated to accept the responsi- 
bility or to insist upon the right. His aim has been to keep for the 
United States all the treaty privileges secured by his predecessors and 
to guard them in such a way as to extend American commerce without 
entangling alliance with any of the other powers and without friction 
with any of them. It has been as difficult a task as any administration 
has ever had to undertake, and it has been performed with such skill 
that during the months of complication and peril the United States 
has taken the lead, blazing the diplomatic path and doing more than 
all other nations combined to establish the policy of the powers in the 
Orient. Under the skillful guidance of President McKinley and Secre- 
tary Hay, the United States has assumed a higher position among the 
nations of the world and is rapidly becoming if, indeed, it has not 
already become the arbiter of oriental destiny. 

The key to the administration's oriental policy has beep this: That 
the United States desires no accessions of territory in China: that it 
is interested first of all in preserving existing geographical and political 
relations, and that whatever changes may be made through the efforts 
of other powers there shall be no diminution of American rights or 
privileges. The first and most important step has been to secure an 
assurance of the maintenance of the open door policy in China. 

Very early in the administration a new development in Chinese 
affairs began to show r itself. The leading European powers, stimulated 
by commercial rivalry, undertook to secure from China the lease of 
certain provinces or strips of territory. In each territorial division 
thus leased the power leasing it was to have control of tlie industrial 
and commercial development to the exclusion of all others It was 
to be regarded as a "sphere of influence," or "interest," and to all intents 
and purposes the arrangement was an annexation of territory. Presi- 


dent McKinley and his advisors saw at once that if this practice became 
general it would seriously diminish American influence in the Orient 
and interfere with American trade, perhaps destroy it altogether, unless 
prompt and unmistakable action was taken to prevent it. 

The important thing was to make sure that whatever change there 
might be in the control of Chinese territory (a change in which the 
United States had no desire to participate) there would still be an open 
market there for the United States just as has existed for years under 
treaty rights. Secretary Hay set out to secure from the various Euro- 
pean powers assurances of this kind. He realized that concert of action 
would be necessary because the refusal of any one of the powers to 
enter into the agreement would probably cause ail the others to with- 
draw from it whatever might be their natural inclination. He went 
about the business with a frankness and a boldness which must have 
caused some of the foreign chancellors to gasp with surprise and which 
was a good example of that very effective international correspondence 
which some European experts have been pleased to style "shirtsleeves 
diplomacy." He was aided undoubtedly by the n-\v position which the 
United States had assumed in the Far East by reason of our possession 
of the Philippine archipelago and our control of a superb base of oper- 
ations at Manila an advantage in itself due to the successful war 
waged under the McKinley administration and to the statesmanship 
which characterized the work of the Peace Commissioners at Paris. 

Notes were addressed by Secretary Hay to our ambassadors at Lon- 
don, Paris, Berlin, St. Petersburg, and Rome, and to our minister at 
Tokio asking each to request the government to which he was accredited 
to give 

"Formal assurances and lend its co-operation in securing like as- 
surances from the other interested powers that each within its respec- 
tive sphere of whatever influence 

"First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any vested 
interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' it (the United States 
Government) may have in China. 

"Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall 
apply to all merchandise, landed or shipped to all such ports as are 
within such 'sphere of influence' (unless they be 'free ports,') no matter 
to what nationality it may belong and that duties so leviable shall be 
collected bv the Chinese Government. 


"Third. That it will levy no harbor dues on vessels of another 
nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere' than shall be levied 
on vessels of its own nationality, and no higher railroad charges over 
lines built, controlled, or operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise 
belonging to citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported 
through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar merchandise be- 
longing to its own nationals transported over equal distances." 

This action of Secretary Hay was bold and unprecedented. But it 
met with a success which was a striking tribute to the prestige of the 
McKinley administration and to the position of influence among the 
powers of the world which the United States has assumed. Without 
exception the governments which were approached gave their assent 
to the proposition of the United States with the understanding, of 
course, that all would join. Thus the first great point in the game of 
oriental diplomacy was won. 

The soundness of the position of the administration was still further 
demonstrated in a most striking manner during the trying times which 
followed the outbreak of the anti-foreign agitation in China when the 
"yellow peril" seemed about to break upon the world. From beginning 
to end of this period the McKinley administration by following simply 
and consistently the course it had marked out for itself was enabled 
to escape every embarrassment, to protect all American interests, to 
save international entanglements and to take the lead in determining 
the policy to be pursued by the great powers. At a time when all others 
were hesitating, wavering between considerations of self interest and 
humanity, doubtful whether this course or that would be expedient or 
wise in view of possible international complications which might arise, 
the United States with its unselfish policy always in mind went con- 
fidently ahead in the path marked out by humane considerations and 
those of common sense. The other powers with policies undefined fell 
into line, for the simple reason that they had no reasonable alternative 
to offer. 

At a very early stage of the trouble, while apprehension was uni- 
versal and while few dared to forecast the future, Secretary Eay 
addressed an identical note to the various representatives of the United 
States in European capitals and in Tokio. This note was intended to 
be a formal declaration of the position of this Government. It was 
intended to emphasize the independence of the United States of all in- 


lematioual entanglements while expressing the purpose of this Gov- 
ernment to act conjointly with other powers in any proper endeavor to 
restore peace in China and to establish order. At a time when other 
powers were apparently ready to assume that the Chinese Government 
itself was responsible for the anti-foreign demonstration, thus afford- 
ing an excuse for the most severe measures which could be contrived 
by way of retribution, the administration persisted in assuming what 
would have been regarded as a matter of course with any other nation 
that until the contrary was proved the anti-foreign movement was in 
the nature of an insurrection and that the Chinese Government itself 
was as much interested in its suppression as anj* of the European 
powers. It was one of those fine unmistakable distinctions which more 
than once have played a great part in determining international events. 
The circular telegram sent by Secretary Hay to American diplo- 
matic representatives in Europe and Japan is already an historic docu- 
ment. It reads as follows: 

"In this critical posture of affairs in China it is deemed appropriate 
to define the attitude of the United States as far as present circum- 
stances permit this to be done. We adhere to the policy initiated by us 
in 1857 of peace with the Chinese nation, of furtherance of lawful com- 
merce and of protection of lives and property of our citizens by all 
means guaranteed under extra-territorial treaty rights and by the law 
of nations. If wrong be done to our citizens, we propose to hold the 
responsible authorities to the uttermost accountability. 

"We regard the condition at Pekin as one of virtual anarchy, where- 
by power and responsibility is practically devolved upon the local pro- 
vincial authorities. So long as they are not in overt collusion with 
rebellion and use their power to protect foreign life and property, we 
regard them as representing the Chinese people with whom we seek 
to remain in peace and friendship. 

"The purpose of the President is, as it has been heretofore, to act 
concurrently with the other Powers, first, in opening up communication 
with Pekin and rescuing the American officials, missionaries and other 
Americans who are in danger; secondly, in affording all possible pro- 
tection everywhere in China to American life and property; thirdly, 
in guarding and protecting all legitimate American interests; and 


fourthly, in aiding to prevent a spread of the disorders to the other 
provinces of the Empire and a recurrence of such disasters. 

"It is, of course, too early to forecast the means of attaining this last 
result, but the policy of the Government of the United States is to seek 
a solution which may bring about permanent safety and peace in China, 
preserve Chinese territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights 
guaranteed to friendly Powers by treaty and in law, and safeguard for 
the world the principle of equal and impartial trade with all parts of 
the Chinese Empire. 

"You will communicate the purport of this instruction to the Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs. HAY." 

The course thus marked out by the administration was one which 
demanded diplomatic skill of a high order if it was to be consistently 
followed. Secretary Hay's note was a warning as well as a definition 
of policy. It served noticed upon England, Germany, Russia and Japan 
that they must go no further in sending troops into China than was 
justified in the protection of their rights and interests as foreign powers 
and the preservation of their national dignity. It alligned the United 
States clearly for the territorial and administrative integrity of China. 
It was the bold declaration of a world policy which embraced the 
future political control of the Far East. The word was spoken at the 
right moment. The propositions laid down could not be disputed by 
any other power without revealing motives that would have aroused 
the suspicions of all the rest. There was nothing to do but to accept 
the American lead. 

The United States again led the way when the Chinese Emperor, 
hard pressed, undertook to secure a promise from the President to use 
his good offices to bring about a concert of the powers to restore order 
and peace. This was in effect an appeal to the United States to stand 
between the Imperial Government and retribution for wrongs which 
might have been done. The reply of the President could not have been 
excelled in frankness combined with caution. It promised the good 
offices of this government, provided certain necessary and palpable 
conditions were first complied with. A compliance with those condi- 
tions could be the only guarantee that the confidence in the good faith 
of the Imperial Government was not misplaced. In order fully to appre- 
ciate the significance of this reply it must be read in full with the 


original appeal that called it forth. The Emperor's appeal was dated 
July 19, 1900. It follows: 

"The Emperor of China to His Excellency the President of the United 

States. Greeting: 

"China has long maintained friendly relations with the United 
States, and is deeply const-ions that the object of the United States is 
international commerce. Neither country entertains the least suspicion 
or distrust toward the other. Recent outbreaks of mutual antipathy 
between the people and Christian missions caused the foreign powers 
to view with .suspicion the position of the Imperial Government as 
favorable to the people and prejudicial to the missions, with the result 
that the Taku forts were attacked and captured. Consequently there 
has been clashing of the forces, with calamitous consequences. The 
situation has become more and more serious ;ni<l critical. 

"We have just received a telegraphic memorial from our envoy, Wu 
Ting Fang, and it is highly gratifying to us to learn that the United 
States Government, having in view the friendly relations between tin- 
two countries, has taken a deep interest in the present situation. Now, 
China, driven by the irresistible course of events, has unfortunately in- 
curred well-nigh universal indignation. For settling the present difii- 
culty China places special reliance in- the United States. We address 
this message to your excellency in all sincerity and candor, with the 
hope that your excellency will devise measures and take the initiative 
in bringing about a concert of the powers for the restoration of order 
and peace. The favor of a kind reply is earnestly requested and awaited 
with the greatest anxiety." 

And this is the President's response: 

"The President of the United States to the Emperor of China. 

"I have received your majesty's message of July 19, and am glad to 
know that your majesty recognizes the fact that the government and 
people of -the United States desire of China nothing but what is just 
and equitable. The purpose for which we landed troops in China was 
the rescue of our legation from grave danger and the protection of lives 
and property of Americans, who were sojourning in China in the en- 


joyinent of rights guaranteed them by treaty and by international law. 
The same purposes are publicly declared by all the powers which have 
landed military forces in your majesty's empire. 

"I am to infer from your majesty's letter that the malefactors who 
have disturbed the peace of China, who have murdered the Minister 
of Germany and a member of the Japanese legation, and who now hold 
besieged in Pekin the foreign diplomatists, who still survive, have not 
only not received any favor or encouragement from your majesty, but 
are actually in rebellion against the Imperial authority. If this be the 
case, I most solemnly urge your majesty's government to give public 
assurance whether the foreign Ministers are alive, and, if so, in what 

"2. To put the diplomatic representatives of the powers in imme- 
diate and free communication with their respective governments and to 
remove all danger to their lives and liberty. 

"3. To place the Imperial authorities of China in communication 
with the relief expedition, so that cooperation may be secured between 
them for the liberation of the legations, the protection of foreigners 
and the restoration of order. 

"If those objects are accomplished, it is the belief of this government 
that no obstacles will be found to exist on the part of the powers to an 
amicable settlement of all the questions arising out of the recent trou- 
bles, and the friendly good offices of this government will, with the 
assent of the other powers, be cheerfully placed at your majesty's dis- 
position for that purpose. WILLIAM McKINLEY. 

"July 23, 1900 

"By the President: 
"JOHN HAY, Secretary of State." 

Finally came the time when, assurance of the survival of the Min- 
isters having been received, it was proposed to move on Pekin with an 
international column composed of troops of all the powers in order to 
afford adequate protection to the legations and establish order. This 
above all tilings was what China wished to avoid, and approaches were 
made to the United States through the venerable Li Hung Chang, to 
see whether it could be prevented by the delivery at Tien Tsin under 
safe escort of the imprisoned Ministers. To this the reply of the Secre- 
tary of State was so clear cut and emphatic that it might be regard od 

140 <>C'A' hVKE/G\ POLICY. 

as ail ultimatum. Tlit history of this last note is told in the following 
telegraphic instruction sent by Secretary Hay on August 1, 1900, to the 
United States embassies in Berlin, London, Paris, Koine and St. Peters- 
burg and to the United States Minister at Tokio: 


"Washington, August 1, 1900. 

"In reply to a suggestion of Li Hung Chang that the Ministers 
iiih;ht be sent under safe escort to Tien Tsin, provided the powers 
would engage not to march on Pekiu, the Secretary of State replied 
on the 30th of July: 

"'This Government will not enter into any arrangement regarding 
disposition or treatment of legations without first having free commu- 
nication with Minister Conger. Responsibility for their protection rests 
upon the Chinese government. Power to deliver at Tien Tsin presup- 
poses power to protect and to open communications. This is insisted 

"This message was delivered by Mr. Goodnow on the 31st to Viceroy 
Li, who then inquired whether, Mf free communication were established 
between Ministers and their governments, it could be arranged that the 
powers should not advance on Pekin, pending negotiations.' 

"To this inquiry the following reply was sent on the 1st of August: 
"'Goodnow, Consul General, Shanghai: 

"'I do not think it expedient to submit the proposition of Earl Li 
to the other powers. Free communication with our representatives in 
Pekin is demanded as a matter of absolute right, and not as a favor. 
Since the Chinese government admits that it possesses the power to 
give communication, it puts itself in an unfriendly attitude by denying 
it. No negotiations seem advisable until the Chinese government shall 
have put the diplomatic representatives of the powers in full and free 
communication with their respective governments and removed all dan- 
ger to their lives and liberty. We would urge Earl Li earnestly to 
advise the Imperial authorities of China to place themselves in friendly 
communication and cooperation with the relief expedition. They are 
assuming a heavy responsibility in acting otherwise. 

"'(Signed) HAY.' 


"You will communicate this information to the Minister of Foreign 

The language of this communication was so direct and forceful as 
to be almost undiplomatic. It placed upon China the responsibility 
which belonged to that government, and in such a way that the mean- 
ing could not be misunderstood even by the Oriental mind. It recog- 
nized the fact that in the official person of Minister Conger was em- 
bodied all the national honor and dignity of the United States and that 
China in endeavoring to dawdle, procrastinate and make terms was do- 
ing an indignity not to Minister Conger alone but to the entire American 
people. It completed a cycle of diplomatic papers which will hold a 
high place in American history. 



"You do not have to guess what the Republican party will do. The 
whole world knows its purposes. It has embodied them in law ;m<l 
executed them in administration." William McKinley. 

This quotation from a speech made by President McKiuley six years 
ago is a good text for a short chapter on the outlook. It suggests the 
scope of the outlook which should be for country rather than parly. 
Four years ago, at the close of a Democratic administration, the out- 
look was as dark as any that had confronted the country for a quarter 
of a century. When the Democratic party went out of power in 1861 it 
left the country on the brink of civil war, which broke out within a 
month after the inauguration of President Lincoln and became tin- 
greatest war of history. When the Democratic party went out of power 
in 1897 it left the country on the brink of national and individual and 
general bankruptcy. The Republican party took tirm hold of botli these 
desperate situations. Through its patriotic administration of the gov- 
ernment it saved the Union in the sixties, and it saved the business of 
the country in the nineties. McKinley said: "The Republican party 
never lowered the flag or the credit of the government, but has exalted 
both." In the last four years his administration has given new demon- 
stration of the truth he uttered. The outlook for the whole country, 
North and South, Bast and West, was never brighter than now. The 
mills are all running, the farms are producing wealth, labor is employed, 
and the American market is expanding in every direction, to every 
country on the face of the globe. It is an outlook for even greater pros- 
perity than we have, and that has never been surpassed. The outlook 
of the business man, the wage earner and the farmer includes the Orient 
and the Southern hemisphere. Its promise is brighter than at any other 
time in American history. It is the promise of new markets for the 
manufacturer and the farmer, steady work and increased wages for the 
wage earner, protection for American industries, increased credit for 
business enterprise, cheaper money for the borrower, better security for 
the lender, greater opportunity for every one, and a higher standing of 



the nation among the great powers of the world. The United States has 
ceased to be a debtor nation and has become a creditor with England, 
Germany and Russia seeking American gold. If there was any truth 
in the accusations made in 1896 as to the existence of money sharks or 
money powers, these can no longer apply to any of the financiers of 
European capitals, since, if there be any beseeching for favors, the 
United States is now the besought, instead of the beseecher; if anybody 
is clutching it is the United States, and not the foreign money grabber; 
if any nation is at the mercy of any financial nation, it is some one or 
more of the nations of Europe, which is to some extent at our mercy, in- 
stead of the United States any longer being within the financial clutch 
and power of those who were, in 1896, denounced as the vultures w r ho 
were preying upon this country. 

It is not alone the financial resources of the United States which are 
commanding the attention both of the statesmen and the financiers of 
Europe, but the colossal power of which our trade resources, our indus- 
trial and commercial advantages are now giving us. This is made 
evident in an address recently delivered to one of the most important 
of the trade associations of Great Britain by an expert authority in iron 
and steel productions, Mr. H. J. Skelton. 

Mr. Skelton says that manufacturers of Great Britain ought no 
longer to be in the dark about the peculiar advantages which the 
United States possess with respect to the iron and steel world's trade- 
as, for instance, iron can be produced in several districts of the United 
States, even at the higher rate of wages that prevail here, at consider- 
ably less than the average cost for production in Great Britain, and the 
only thing Mr. Skelton can offer to offset this advantage is what he as- 
serts to be the greater facilities for shipment which Great Britain 

All men have not acknowledged that this outlook for the nation has 
been made possible by the Republican party and the Republican admin- 
istration. Some men will not acknowledge that there is prosperity all 
over this land. But, as has been pointed out in preceding chapters, the 
Democratic party ignored the old issue of protection to American in- 
dustry in the platform made at Kansas City. It presented as its para- 
mount issue the bogy of imperialism. It has failed to point out wherein 
there has been given room for imperialism. It has not taken issue with" 
the Republican party on this question for che simple reason thnt tho 


Republican party has shown no tendency toward imperialism nor made 
any defense of imperialism. "No blow has been struck except for liberty 
and humanity, and none will be," said President McKinley, in his speech 
to the committee that notified him of his renomination. In this pithy 
sentence he gave the record of the war in which the nation has been en- 
gaged and the best promise for the future. No Democrat of responsibility 
has said or can say that, should \Ir. Bryan be elected Pivsk 1 -nt, IK- could 
or would change the policy of this government in the Philippines, be- 
cause these islands now belong to the United States, and the political 
status of the inhabitants must be determined by Congress. Mr. Bryan 
as President would be compelled by his oath and in obedience to the 
Constitution, to hold and govern the islands, following in the footsteps 
of the present administration without evasion or change. To do other- 
wise would subject him to impeachment. 

Mr. Bryan and his party have raised one issue and one alone which 
directly antagonizes the Republican party. That is the old issue of 1896 
the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of Hi t<> 1. In that 
issue the Republican party is unalterably opposed to the Democrat it- 
party because it threatens the glorious outlook now presented to the 
Amerk-an people. This issue is another attack upon the credit and the 
stability of the nation's money. The sentiment of the country has not 
changed in the last four years. Mr. Bryan found if as difficult to com- 
mit his party to this issue at Kansas City as he did at ( 'hicago in 1896. 
The East does not want free silver, nor does the West nor the South. 
Mr. Bryan compelled his party to make free silver the issue again by 
the threat that he, their only candidate for President, would not stand 
on a platform in which it was not the central and vitalizing plank 

The election of 1896 was most stubbornly contested and brought out 
the largest popular vote ever recorded. McKinley carried 23 States and 
received 7,104,779 votes. Bryan carried 22 States and received 6,502,925 
votes. The plurality of McKinley over Bryan was 631,854 and McKin- 
ley's' majority over all was 498,430. The Gold Democrat vote was 
against Bryan and in sympathy with the Republicans. Added to Mc- 
Kinley's vote it made the protest against free silver 765,278 greater than 
its support. There has not since the days of the Civil war been such an 
emphatic protest against any party issue as was that of 1896. The Re- 
publicans in that contest lost two States that had been strong supporters 
of the party Kansas and Nebraska. They also lost Colorado, Idaho, 


Montana, Nevada, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming. 
These States have 45 electoral votes, which could be claimed as lost to 
tlie -Republicans by reason of the silver issue. But the party regained 
New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, California and 
Wisconsin, which gave their electoral votes to Cleveland in 1892, thereby 
recovering 111 electoral votes, and also gained from the Democrats 
Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and West Virginia, adding 29 electoral 
votes, which had always been Democratic. While the Democrats gained 
45 electoral votes in 1896 the Republicans gained 140. This was on the 
money question. The same question is to be voted on this year, because 
that is one issue on which the parties each have positive and explicit 
declarations as to a policy to be carried out in legislative and adminis- 
trative action. Political prophecy is uncertain and not profitable. But, 
conceding the intelligence of the voters of this country and their sta- 
bility in support of political issues until they are settled and fixed in 
government policy, it is difficult to see how the Democrats can hope to 
elect Mr. Bryan and persuade the American ueople to reverse the action 
of four years ago. 

Will New York change its nearly 300,000 majority against free silver 
this year because Mr. Croker is supporting Mr. Bryan? Will Illinois 
change its majority of 150,000 against silver, or New Jersey its majority 
of 88,000, or Indiana its 20,000 majority? This must be done to elect 
Bryan over McKinley. The prophet who predicts such a change places 
a low estimate on the stability of the American voter. The Democrats 
hope to win back West Virginia, Delaware, Maryland and Kentucky. 
To do this they must overcome a Republican majority of 32,000 in Mary- 
land, 12,000 in West Virginia, 3,400 in Delaware and a majority of 5,500 
against Bryan, as measured by the Republican and Gold Democrat vote, 
in Kentucky. Should they regain these four States, they would recover 
29 electoral votes. But in Kentucky they are committed to Goebelism, 
which represents the worst danger in American politics. Maryland and 
West Virginia are still opposed to free silver. 

The Republicans have a better prospect for regaining Kansas and 
Nebraska, Washington and Wyoming and South Dakota with their 27 
electoral votes, than have the Democrats for carrying West Virginia, 
Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware with their 29 electoral votes. The 
battle ground will be in the West, for Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin and 
Michigan on the one side, and Kansas, Nebraska, the Dakota* and Ken- 


tucky on the other. The Democrats will try to change the majorities 
of Illinois, Indiana, Michigan and Wisconsin by denouncing imperial- 
ism, which is a myth. The Republicans will attempt to regain Kansas 
and Nebraska and the Dakotas by appealing to the cause of National 
and State prosperity as represented by changed conditions since the 
McKinley administration began, and farm mortgages began to decrease. 

The only danger of defeat for the Republicans is indifference and 
failure to assume their responsibility as voters who decide issues and 
control the government. The Republican who is satisfied with the pros- 
perous condition of the country and indifferent to its continuance is 
the man who can decide the coming election adversely to his party. If 
he is multiplied by a million he can elect Mr. Bryan. It is not conceiv- 
able that there are 1,000,000 voters who supported McKinley in 1890 so 
indifferent to the cause of honest money, protection to American indus- 
try and general prosperity, as to take no part in the contest this year. 

The first gun of tin- campaign was tired in Oregon in June. The 
State election there indicated that sound money is stronger with the 
people of the Far West than ever before, and in one of the States that 
came to us by expansion there is no fear of what is called imperialism. 
The Republicans had a majority of 2,000 in 18JM5 and a majority of 10,000 
in June, 1900. This was in the fare of the most abusive campaign 
against the present administration, when Democrats were denouncing 
imperialism in Porto Rico and the Philippines and finding fault with 
every administration policy. But the voters of Oregon had their ey-s 
turned to the West, to the Philippines and China as their future mar- 
kets, and they saw only the American flag in the one representing what 
it has represented to every foot of territory over which it ever floated, 
and the "open door" for American commerce and American enterprise 
in the other, to show that this administration is dedicated to the Ameri- 
can people and that "the Republican party is neither an apology nor a 
reminiscence," but an active, practical organization which accomplishes 
what it preaches and enforces what it teaches. Oregon more than quad- 
rupled its Republican majority. Without indulging in rainbow dreams, 
the example of Oregon suggests a hopeful outlook for the Republican 
party in this campaign, and for the country in the continuance of the 
McKinley administration, the prosperity it has brought and the pa- 
triotic and progressive policy which it represents. 



The twelfth National Republican convention met in Philadelphia 
June 19, 1900, and nominated McKinley and Roosevelt on June 21. No 
national convention representing any political party ever met under 
more auspicious circumstances. For the first time in the history of the 
Republican party there was not a shadow of factional opposition to the 
renomination of a President. Members of his cabinet conspired to take 
the nomination from Lincoln in 1864 but failed before the convention 
met, and when Grant was renomiuated by acclamation in 1872 there 
was a bolt from the party which resulted in the nomination of Horace 
Greeley, the great Republican editor of New York, as an opposing can- 
didate. The convention of this year was preceded by nothing to indi- 
cate any factional difference in the party or any dissatisfaction with 
the administration of President McKinley. It was a foregone conclu- 
sion that President McKinley would be renominated at Philadelphia, 
and that the national convention would resolve itself into a ratification 
meeting to endorse all that the President had done since he took charge 
of the Executive office of the United States. It was significant of the 
patriotic purposes of the Republican party, that the convention was held 
in the same city where was written the Declaration of Independence and 
where the Constitution was prepared; the city which has been known 
as the cradle of Liberty with hallowed memories of Washington and 
Jefferson, Hamilton and Hancock; and the city where the Republican 
party held its first national convention in 1856 and nominated John (\ 
Fremont, its first candidate for President, and where President Grant 
was nominated in 1872. There were present at this convention a num- 
ber of delegates who sat in the first convention of the party in 1856 and 
men who have been delegates in every convention of the party. But the 
convention which nominated President McKinley was marked by the 
absence of Federal office-holders and the fact that the great majority of 
the delegates were business man who had no other ambition in politU-s 
than to spe a great administration which had brought to the country 
prosperity in peace and honor and glory in war, endorsed by the pai-ty 



and continued by the people. No convention was ever less trammeled 
by the administration or more hearty in its endorsement of a President. 
While the convention met in the most conservative of Eastern cities, its 
inspirations came largely from Western men not only as to candidates 
but also as to management and control. The one contest, over Vice- 
President, was decided by Western delegates, and Governor Roosevelt 
of New York, who was reluctant to become a candidate, was demanded 
as a candidate by Western delegations because cf his popularity 
throughout the West. It was on its face a gathering of thoughtful and 
careful American citizens the best types of the people from Maine to 
Hawaii intent upon serving loyally the best interests of country and 

Intelligence and responsibility stamped ever}' line of delegates the 
whole length and breadth of the great assemblage. Discrimination and 
foresight marked even the applause which was for measures rather than 
for men, for principles of statesmanship rather than for perorations or 
rounded sentences. 

The National Republican convention was called to order by Senator 
Marcus A. Hanna of Ohio, chairman of the Republican National com 

Senator Edward O. Wolcott of Colorado was selected as the tempo- 
rary chairman of the convention, and Senator Henry' Cabot Lodge of 
Massachusetts, the permanent chairman. Both delivered able speeches 
reviewing the work of the Republican party. These speeches are wort hy 
of a place in the text book of even- voter who wishes to be guided by 
intelligent discussion of public questions, and they are given in another 
part of this volume. 

The crowning event of the convention was the nomination of candi- 
dates for President, and Vice-President. Both were nominated by the 
unanimous vote of the convention. There were no other candidates 

Senator Joseph Benson Foraker of Ohio, who placed William Mc- 
Kinley in nomination at St. Louis four years ago, again had the honor 
of naming the candidate for this convention. When the roll call was 
begun, Alabama, at the head of the list, yielded to Ohio, and Senator 
Foraker responded for Ohio. His speech was as follows: 

"Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Alabama yields 
to Ohio, and I thank Alabama for that accommodation. Alabama has 


so yielded, however, by reason of a fact that would seem in an important 
sense to make the duty that has been assigned to me a superfluous duty, 
for Alabama has yielded because of the fact that our candidate for the 
Presidency has, in fact, been already nominated. (Applause.) He was 
nominated by the distinguished Senator from Colorado when he as- 
sumed the duties of temporary chairman. He was nominated again 
yesterday by the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts when he 
took the office of permanent chairman; and he was nominated for a 
third time when the Senator from Indiana yesterday read us the plat- 
form. (Applause.) And not only has he been thus nominated by this 
convention, but he has also been nominated by the whole American 
people. (Applause.) 

"From one end of the land to the other in every mind only one and 
the same man is thought of for the honor which we are now about to 
confer, and that man is the first choice of every other man who wishes 
Republican success next November. (Applause.) 

"On this account it is that it is not necessary for me or any one else 
to speak for him here or elsewhere. He has already spoken for himself 
(applause), and to all the world. He has a record replete with brilliant 
achievements (applause), a record that speaks at once both his perform- 
ances and his highest eulog}^. It comprehends both peace and war, and 
constitutes the most striking illustration possible of triumphant and 
inspiring fidelity, and success in the discharge of public duty. 

"Four years ago the American people confided to him their highest 
and most sacred trust. Behold, with what results. He found the indus- 
tries of the country paralyzed and prostrated; he quickened them with 
a new life that has brought to the American people a prosperity un- 
precedented in all their history. He found the labor of this country 
everywhere idle; he has given it everywhere employment. He found 
it everywhere in despair; he has made it everywhere prosperous and 
buoyant with hope. He found the mills and shops and factories and 
mines everywhere closed; they are now everywhere open. (Applause.) 

"And while we here deliberate, they are sending their surplus prod- 
ucts in commercial conquest to the very ends of the earth. Under his 
wise guidance our financial standard has been firmly planted high above 
and beyond assault, and the wild cry of sixteen to one, so full of terror 
and long hair in 1896, has been put to everlasting sleep alongside of the 
lost cause, and other cherished Democratic heresies, in the catacombs of 


American politics. (Applause.) With a diplomacy never excelled and 
rarely equaled, he has overcome what at times seemed to be insurmount- 
able difficulties, and has not only opened to us the door of China, but 
he has advanced our interests in every laud. 

"Mr. Chairman, we are not surprised by this, for we anticipated it all. 
When we nominated him at St. Louis four years ago, we knew he was 
wise, we knew lie was brave, we knew he was patient, we knew he 
would be faithful and devoted, and we knew that the greatest possible 
triumphs of peace would be his; but we then little knew that he would 
be called upon to encounter also the trials of war. That unusual emer- 
gency came. It came unexpectedly as wars generally come. It came in 
spite of all he could honorably <!o to avert it. It came to find the country 
unprepared for it, but it found him equal to all Its extraordinary require- 
ments. (Applause.) And it is no exaggeration to say that in all Ameri- 
can history there is no chapter more brilliant than that which chroni- 
cles with him as our commander-in-chief, our victory on land and sea. 

"In one hundred days we <lro\e Spain from the Western Hemisphere, 
girded the earth with onr acquisition and tilled the world with the splen- 
dor of our power. (Applause.) 

"The American name has a new and greater significance now. Our 
Hag has a new glory. It not only symbolizes human liberty ami political 
equality at home, but it means freedom and independem e for the long 
suffering patriots of Cuba, and complete protection, education, enlight- 
enment, uplifting and ultimate local self-government and the enjoyment 
of all the blessings of liberty to the millions of Porto Ilico and the Phil- 
ippines. What we have so gloriously done for ourselves we propose most 
generously to do for them. (Applause.) We have so declared in the plat- 
form that we have adopted. A fitting place it is for this party to make 
such declaration. Here in this magnificent city of Philadelphia, where 
the evidences so abound of the rich blessings the Republican party has 
brought to the American people; here at the birthplace of the nation, 
where our own Declaration of Independence was adopted and our Con- 
stitution formed; where Washington and Jefferson and Hancock and 
John Adams and their illustrious associates wrote their immortal work: 
here where center so many historic memories that stir the blood and 
flush the cheek and excite the sentiments of human liberty and patriot 
ism is indeed a most fitting pi a re for the party of Lincoln and Grant and 


Garfield and Elaine (applause); the party of Union and Liberty for all 
men to formally dedicate themselves to this great duty. 

"We are now in the midst of its discharge. We could not turn back 
if we would, and would not if we could. (Applause.) We are on trial 
before the world, and must triumphantly meet our responsibilities, or 
ignominiously fail in the presence of mankind. 

"These responsibilities speak to this convention here and now, and 
command us that we choose to be our candidate and the next President 
which is one and the same thing the best fitted man for the discharge 
of this great duty in all the republic. (Applause.) 

"On that point there is no difference of opinion. Na man in all the 
nation is so well qualified for this trust as the great leader under whom 
the work has been so far conducted. He has the head, he has the heart, 
he has the special knowledge and the special experience that qualify 
him beyond all others. And, Mr. Chairman, he has also the stainless 
reputation and character, and has led the blameless life that endear him 
to his countrymen and give to him the confidence of the respect, the 
admiration, the love and the affection of the whole American people. 

"He is an ideal man, representing the highest type of American citi- 
zenship, an ideal candidate and an ideal President. With our banner in 
his hands it will be carried to triumphant victory in November next. 

"In the name of all these considerations, not alone on behalf of his 
beloved State of Ohio, but on behalf of every other State and Territory 
here represented, and in the name of all Republicans everywhere 
throughout our jurisdiction, I nominate to be our next candidate for the 
Presidency, William McKinley." 

Governor Theodore Roosevelt of New York seconded the nomination 
of President McKinley for the Empire State and said: 

"Mr Chairman: I rise to second the nomination of William McKinley, 
the President who has had to meet and solve problems more numerous 
and more important than any other President since the days of mighty 
Abraham Lincoln; the President under whose administration this coun- 
try has attained a higher pitch of prosperity at home and honor abroad 
than ever before in its history. Four years ago the Republican party 
nominated William McKinley as its standard bearer in a political con- 
*flict of graver moment to the nation than any that has taken place since 


the close of the Civil War saw us once more a reunited country. The 
Republican party nominated him; but, before the campaign was many 
days old, he had become the candidate not only of all Republicans, but 
of all Americans who were both far-sighted enough to see where the true 
interests of the country lay, and clear-minded enough to be keenly sen- 
sitive to the taint of dishonor. President McKinley was triumphantly 
elected on certain distinct pledges, and those pledges have been made 
more than good. 

"We were then in a condition of industrial paralysis. The capitalist 
was plunged in ruin and disaster; the wage- worker was on the edge of 
actual want; the success of our opponents would have meant not only 
immense aggravation of the actual physical distress, but also a stain on 
the nation's honor so deep that more than one generation would have to 
pass before it would be effectually wiped out. 

"We promised that if President McKinley were elected not only 
should the national honor be kept unstained at home and abroad, but 
that the mill and the workshop should open, the farmer have a market 
for his goods, the merchant for his wares, and that the wage worker 
should prosper as never before. We did not promise the impossible; w 
did not say that, by good legislation and good administration, there 
<vould come prosperity to all men; but we did say that each man should 
have a better chance to win prosperity than he had ever yet had. In 
the long run the thrift, industry, energy and capacity of the individual 
must always remain the chief factors in his success. By unwise or dis- 
honest legislation or administration on the part of the national authori- 
ties, all these qualities in the individual can be nullified, but wise legis- 
lation and upright administration will give them free scope. And it was 
this free scope that we promised should be given. 

"Well, we kept our word. The opportunity has been given, and it 
has been seized by American energy, thrift and business enterprise. As 
a result, we have prospered as never before, and we are now prospering 
to a degree that would have seemed incredible four years ago, when the 
cloud of menace to our industrial well-being hung black above the land. 


"So it has been in foreign affairs. Four years ago the nation was 
uneasy because right at our doors an American island lay writhing in 
awful agony under the curse of worse than mediaeval tyranny aud mis- 


rule. We had our Armenia at our very doors, for the situation iii Cuba 
had grown intolerable and such that this nation could no longer refrain 
from interference, and retain its own self-respect. President McKinley 
turned to this duty as he turned to others. He sought by every effort 
possible to provide for Spain's withdrawal from the island which she 
was impotent longer to do aught than oppress. Then, when pacific 
means had failed, and there remained the only alternative, we waged 
the most righteous and brilliantly successful foreign war that any coun- 
try has waged during the lifetime of the present generation. It was not 
a great war, simply because it was won too quickly; but it was momen- 
tous, indeed, in its effects. It left us, as all great feats must leave those 
who perform them, an inheritance both of honor and of responsibility; 
and, under the lead of President McKinley the nation has taken up the 
task of securing orderly liberty and the reign of justice and law in the 
islands from which we drove the tyranny of Spain, with the same serious 
realization of duty and sincere purpose to perform it that has marked 
the national attitude in dealing with the economic and financial diffi- 
culties that face us at home. 

"This is what the nation has done during the three years that have 
elapsed since we made McKinley President; and all this is what he typi- 
fies and stands for. We here nominate him again, and, in November 
next, we shall elect him again; because it has been given to him to 
personify the cause of honor abroad and prosperity at home, of wise leg- 
islation and straightforward administration. 

"We all know the old adage about swapping horses while crossing a 
stream and the still older adage about letting well enough alone. To 
change from President McKinley now would be merely to swap horses. 
It would be to jump off the horse that had carried us across and wade 
back into the torrent ; and to put him for four years more into the White 
House means not merely to let well enough alone, but to insist that 
when we are thriving as never, never before we shall not be plunged 
back into the abyss of shame and panic and disaster. 

"We have done so well that our opponents actually use this very fact 
as an appeal for turning us out. We have put the tariff on a foundation 
so secure; we have passed such wise laws on finance that they actually 
appeal to the patriotic, honest men who deserted them at the last elec- 
tion to help them now, because, forsooth, we have done so well that 
nobody need fear their capacity to undo our work. I am not exagger- 


at ing. This is literally the argument that is now addressed to the gold 
Democrats as a reason why they need no longer stand by the Repub- 
lican party. To all such who may be inclined to listen to these specious 
arguments I would address an emphatic word of warning. 

"Remember tha-, admirable though our legislation has been during 
the past three years, it has been rendered possible and effective only bo- 
cause there \Viis good administration to back it. Wise la\\s uro invalu- 
able, but, after all, ihoy are not as necessary as \\ -JM- and honest admin- 
istration of the laws. 

"The best law i-ver made, if administered by those who arc hostile to 
it, and who mean to break it down, cannot be wholly eil'ectivo, and may 
be wholly ineffective. \Vo have at last put our financial legislation on a 
sound basis, but no possible financial legislation can save us from fear- 
ful and disastrous panic if we trust our finances to the management of 
any man who would be acceptable to I lie leaders and guides of the Dem- 
ocracy in its present spirit. X> Secretary of the Treasury who would be 
acceptable to or who could without loss of self-respect serve under the 
Populistic Democracy could avoid plunging the country i;ack into finan- 
cial chaos. I'ntil our opponents have explicitly and absolutely repu- 
diated the principles which in *!MJ they professed, and the leaders who 
embody these principles, their success means the undoing of the coun- 
try. Nor have ihe\ any longer even the excuse of being honest in their 
folly. They have raved, they have foamed at the mouth in the denuncia- 
tion of trusts, and now, in my own State, their foremost party loaders, 
li.cluding the man before whom the others now bow with bared heads 
and trembling knee, have been discovered in a trust which really is of 
infamous and perhaps f criminal character: a trust in which these 
apostles of Democracy, prophets of the new dispensation, have sought 
to wring fortunes from the dire need of their poorer brethren. 

"1 rise to second the nomination of William McKinley because with 
him as leader this country has trod the path of national greatness and 
prosperity with the strides of a giant, and because, undo!- him, we can, 
and will, once more and finally overthrow those whose success would 
mean for the nation material disaster and moral disgrace. Exactly as 
we have remedied the evils which, in the past, we undertook to remedy, 
so, now, when we say that a wrong shall be righted it most assuredly 
will be righted. 

"We have nearly succeeded in bringing peace and order to the Phil- 


ippines. We have sent thither and to the other islands toward whos< 
inhabitants we now stand as trustees in the cause of good government 
men like Wood, Taft and Allen, whose very names are synonyms of in- 
tegrity, and guarantees of efficiency. Appointees like these, with subor- 
dinates chosen on grounds of merit and fitness alone, are evidence of 
the spirit and methods in, and by which, this nation must approach its 
new and serious duties. Contrast this with what would be the fate of 
the islands under the spoils system so brazenly advocated by our oppon- 
ents in their last national platform. 

"The war still goes on because the allies in this country of the bloody 
insurrectionary oligarchy have taught their foolish dupes abroad to be- 
lieve that, if the rebellion is kept alive until next November, Democratic 
success at the polls here will be followed by the abandonment of the 
islands that means their abandonment to savages who would scramble 
for what we desert, until some powerful civilized nation stepped in to do 
what we would have shown ourselves unfit to perform. Our success in 
November means peace in the islands. 

"The success of our political opponents means an indefinite prolong- 
ation of misery and bloodshed. We of this convention now renoininate 
the man whose name is a guaranty against such disaster. When we 
place W T illiam McKinley as our candidate before the people we place 
the Republican party on record as standing for the performance which 
squares with promise, as standing for the redemption in administration 
and legislation of the pledges made in the platform and on the stump, 
as standing for the upbuilding of the national honor and interest abroad, 
and the continuance at home of the prosperity which it has already 
brought to the farm and the workshop. 

"We stand on the threshold of a new century, a century big with the 
fate of the great nations of the earth. It rests with us now to decide 
whether, in the opening years of that century, we shall march forward 
to fresh triumphs, or whether, at the outset, we shall deliberately crip- 
ple ourselves for the contest. Is America a weakling, to shrink from the 
world work that must be done by the world powers? No. The young 
giant of the West stands on a continent and clasps the crest of an ocean 
in either hand. 

"Our nation, glorious in youth and strength, looks into the future 
with fearless and eager eyes, and rejoices as a strong man to run a race. 

"We do not stand in craven mood, asking to be spared the task, cring- 


Ing as we gaze on the contest. No. We challenge the proud privilege 
of doing the work that Providence allots us, and we face the comiug 
years high of heart and resolute of faith that to our people is given the 
right to win such honor and renown as has never yet been granted to the 
peoples of mankind." 

The nomination of McKinley was also seconded by John W. Yerkes 
for Kentucky, Senator John M. Thurston for Nebraska, George Kiiight 
for California and Governor James A. Mount for Indiana. 

The roll call by States and Territories showed J)2G votes for McKin- 
ley, the full vote of the convention. Then the convention broke loose to 
celebrate the nomination and while the delegates marched with ban- 
ners and plumes and assembled the State banners at the platform fifteen 
thousand spectators cheered and waved handkerchiefs, faus and ilags 
for fifteen minutes. 

There was ihe same enthusiasm and unanimity over the nomination 
of the candidate for Vice-President. Other names had been talked 
about and other candidates had sought the nomination, but the conven- 
tion waited only to know that Governor Roosevelt would not decline 
the nomination if given to him. New England stood ready to present 
the name of John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy; Iowa was ready to 
nominate Congressman Jonathan P. Dolliver of that State; Minnesota 
had as her candidate ex-Senator Washburn of that State; Wyoming had 
as a favorite son, Colonel Jay L. Torrey, who commanded one of the 
Rough Rider regiments in the war with Spain; New York had endorsed 
Lieutenant Governor Woodruff, and other States also had their favorite 
sons. But these were all withdrawn when it was felt that Governor 
Roosevelt would not refuse the nomination he did not desire, and his 
name alone was presented to the convention. 

The Hon. Lafayette Young of Iowa, who had been selected to nom- 
inate Mr. Dolliver, nominated Governor Roosevelt, and the nomination 
was seconded by the States of New York, Washington and Massachu- 
setts. There was one speech in presenting the name of Roosevelt, which 
will live with the candidate's history. It was that of Senator Chauncey 
M. Depew and a paragraph from it gives a pen picture of Governor 
Roosevelt. Senator Depew said: 

"I had the pleasure of nominating him two years ago for Governor, 
when all the signs pointed to the loss of New York in the election, but 
he charged up and down the old State from Montauk Point to Niagara 


Falls as he went up San Juan Hill (applause), and the Democrats fled 
before him as the Spaniards had in Cuba. (Applause.) 

"It is a peculiarity of American life that our men are not born to any- 
thing, but they get there afterward. 

"McKiiiley, a young soldier and coming out a major; McKinley, a 
Congressman and making a tariff; McKinley, a President, elected be- 
cause he represented the protection of American industries, and McKiii- 
ley after four years' development, in peace, in war, in prosperity and in 
adversity, the greatest President save one or two this country ever had, 
and the greatest ruler in Christendom today. (Applause.) So with 
Colonel Roosevelt we call him 'Teddy.' (Applause.) He was the 
child of New York, of New York city, the place that you gentlemen from 
the West think means 'coupons, clubs and eternal damnation for every- 
one.' 'Teddy,' this child of Fifth Avenue he was the child of the clubs; 
he was the child of the exclusiveness of Harvard College, and he went 
West and became a cowboy. (Applause and laughter.) And then he 
went into the Navy Department and became an assistant secretary. He 
gave an order and the old chiefs of bureaus came to him and said: 'Why, 
Colonel, there is no authority and no requisition to burn this powder.' 

" 'Well,' said the Colonel, 'we have got to get ready when war comes, 
and powder was manufactured to be burned.' (Applause.) 

"And the burning of that powder sunk Cervera's fleet outside of San- 
tiago's harbor and the fleet at Manila Bay. (Applause.) 

"At Santiago a modest voice was heard, exceedingly polite, address- 
ing a militia regiment, lying upon the ground, while the Spanish bul- 
lets were flying over them. This voice said: 'Get one side, gentlemen, 
please, one side, gentlemen, please, that my men can get out.' And 
when this polite man got his men out in the open, where they could 
face the bayonet and face the bullet, there was a transformation, and 
the transformation was that the dude had become a cowboy, the cow- 
boy had become a soldier, the soldier had become a hero, and, rushing 
up the hill, pistol in hand (great applause), the polite man shouted to 
the militiamen lying down, 'Give them hell, boys! Give them hell!" 1 

That was so true a picture of Colonel Roosevelt that it took the Con- 
vention off its feet and for some minutes Depew and the Colonel of the 
Rough Riders were the center of a veritable cyclone of applause which 


whirled through the great Convention hall until 15,000 people were 
drawn into it to cheer the name of the hero of San Juan Hill. 

The roll call of States showed 925 votes for Roosevelt. There was 
one not recorded. It was that of Governor Roosevelt, who sat as a dele- 
gate from New York and would not permit his State to cast his vote 
for his own nomination. Again were enacted the same scenes of en- 
thusiasm that had followed the nomination of President McKinley, and 
Roosevelt was the center of the demonstration. 



The Republican party has a record of lighting for principles rather 
than for men or offices. Its platforms from 185(5, when the party was 
organized, until to-day have been plain and explicit declarations of 
sound and patriotic principles of popular government, and as the party 
has been commissioned by the people, it has carried into the legislative 
and executive action every great principle which it has embodied 
in its platforms. The Republican platform which is a pledge of action 
must necessarily be conservative rather than reckless in its language. 
It is a rule of action to be accepted or rejected by the majority of the 
American people, not a harangue to excite the passions and prejudices, 
and then to be abandoned for more conservative action when it secures 
power for a political party. The platform adopted by the Republican 
Convention at Philadelphia is such as the Republican party has adopted 
in other conventions of the past, a plain, straight-forward declaration 
of such principles of government as have proved to be for the best in- 
terests of all classes of our people and all sections of the country. 

Senator Fairbanks of Indiana was Chairman of the Committee <>n 
Platform and among the members of that important committee were 
Senators Davis of Minnesota, Foraker of Ohio, Crallinger of New Hamp- 
shire, Carter of Montana, Penrose of Pennsylvania and McCimiber of 
North Dakota, Governor Taylor of Kentucky and others of equal note. 
This committee did not accept a ready-made platform from the admin- 
istration or any other high source of politics, but considered carefully 
all resolutions presented, and after many hours of labor presented the 
following resolutions, which were adopted : 

"The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen repre- 
sentatives, met in National Convention, looking back on an un- 
approached record of achievement and looking forward into a great 
field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the judgment of their 
countrymen, make these declarations: 

"The expectation in which the American people, turning from the 
Democratic party, entrusted power four years ago to tlie Republican 



Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress has been met and satisfied. 
When the people then assembled at the polls, after a term of Democratic 
legislation and administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed 
and the national credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital 
was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. 

"The Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruin- 
ous conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin silver 
at the ratio of sixteen to one. The Republican party, denouncing this 
plan as sure to produce conditions even worse than those from which, 
relief was sought, promised to restore prosperity by means of two legis- 
lative measures a protective tariff and law making gold the standard 
of value. 


"The people by great majorities issued to the Republican party a 
commission to enact these laws. This commission has been executed and 
the Republican promise has been redeemed. Prosperity more general 
and more abundant than we have ever known has followed these enact- 
ments. There is no longer controversy as to the value of any Govern- 
ment obligations. Every American dollar is a in>ld dollar or its assured 
equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any nation. 

"Capital is fully employed and labor everywhere is profitably occu- 
pied. No single fact can more strikingly tell the story of what Repub- 
lican government means to the country than this that while during 
the whole period of 107 years, from 1790 to 1897, there was an excess 
of exports over imports of only 1383,028,497, there has been in the short 
three years of the present Republican administration an excess of ex- 
ports over imports in the enormous sum of $1, 483,537,094, and while the 
American people, sustained by this Republican legislation, have been 
achieving these splendid triumphs in their business and commerce, they 
have conducted and in victory concluded a war for liberty and human 


"No thought of national aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose 
with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war unsought 
and patiently resisted, but came the American Government was 
ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its armies were in the field, 
ynd the gui/* and. signal triumph of its forces on land and sea bore tri- 


bute to the courage of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and 
foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the human 
race there was given <a new birth of freedom' and to the American 
people a new and noble responsibility. 


"We indorse the administration of William McKinley. Its acts have 
been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home and abroad 
it has distinctly elevated and extended the influence of the American 
nation, walking untried paths and assuming unforeseen responsibilities. 
President McKinley has been in every situation the true American pa- 
triot and the upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, 
firm in action, always inspiring and deserving the confidence of his 

"In asking the American people to indorse this record and to renew 
their commission to the Republican party, we remind them of the fact 
that the menace to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic 
principles and no less in the general incapacity of the Democratic party 
to conduct public affairs. The prime essential of business prosperity 
is public confidence in the good sense of the Government and in its abil- 
ity to deal intelligently with each new problem of administration and 
legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never earned. 
It is hopelessly inadequate and the country's prosperity, when Demo- 
cratic success at the polls is announced, halts and ceases in anticipation; 
of Democratic blunders and failures. 


"We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold standard and 
declare our confidence in the wisdom of the legislation of the Fifty-sixth 
Congress by which the parity of all our money and the stability of our 
^irrency upon a gold basis have been secured. 

"We recognize that interest rates are a potent factor in produc- 
tion and business activity, and for the purpose of further equalizing and 
of further lowering the rates of interest we favor such monetary legis- 
lation as will enable the varying needs of the season and of all sections 
to be promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained, labor 
steadily employed and commerce enlarged. The volume of money in 
circulation was never so great per capita as it is to-day. 



"We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited coin- 
age of silver. No measure to that end could be considered which was 
without the support of the leading commercial countries of the world. 
However firmly Republican legislation may seem to have secured the 
country against the peril of base and discredited currency, the election 
of a Democratic President could not fail to impair the country's credit 
and to bring once more into question the intention of the American 
people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their money 
circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced that the Ameri- 
can people will never tolerate the Chicago platform. 


"We recognize the necessity and propriety nf the honest co-operation 
of capital to meet ne\v business conditions and especially to extend our 
rapidly increasing foreign trade, but we condemn all conspiracies and 
combinations intended to restrict business, to create monopolies, to 
limit production or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will 
effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and promote 
competition and secure the rights of producers, laborers and all who are 
engaged in industry and commerce. 


"We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American labor. 
In that policy our industries have been established, diversified and main- 
lained. By protecting the home market, competition has been stimu- 
lated and production cheapened. Opportunity to the inventive genius 
of our people has been secured, and wages in every department of labor 
maintained at high rates, higher now than ever before, and always dis- 
tinguishing our working people in their better conditions of life from 
those of any competing country. Enjoying the blessings of the America u 
common school, secure in the right of self-government and protected in 
the occupancy of their own markets, their constantly increasing knowl- 
edge and skill have enabled them finally to enter the markets of the 



"We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed as to open 
our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves produce, 
in return for free foreign markets. In the further interest of American 
workmen we favor a more effective restriction of the immigration of 
cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of educa- 
tion for working children, the raising of the age limit for child labor, 
the protection of free labor as against contract, convict labor and an 
effective system of labor insurance. 


"Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of 
our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of this country. It 
is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the 
event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign 
commerce. The national defence and naval efficiency of this country, 
moreover, supply a compelling motive for legislation which will enable 
us to recover our former place among the trade-carrying fleets of the 


"The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and 
sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the Government's duty to 
provide for the survivors, and for the widows and orphans of those who 
have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws founded in this 
just sentiment should be liberal and should be liberally administered, 
and preference should be given wherever practicable with respect to 
employment in the public service to soldiers and sailors and to their 
widows and orphans. 


"We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining 
the efficiency of the civil service. The Administration has acted wisely 
in its effort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and 
the Philippine Islands only those whose fitness has been determined by 
training and experience. We believe that employment in the public 


service in those territories should be confined as far as practicable to 
their inhabitants. 


"It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Con- 
stitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regu- 
lating the elective franchise. Devices of State whether by statutory 
or Constitutional enactment to avoid the purpose of this amendment 
are revolutionary and should be condemned. 

"Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the 
roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and 
we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people 
and of the legislatures of the several States. 

"We favor the extension of the rural free-delivery service wherever 
its extension may be justified. In further pursuance of the constant 
policy of the Republican party to provide free homes in the public do- 
main, we recommend adequate national legislation to reclaim the arid 
lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water 
for the irrigation of the respective States and Territories. 

"We favor home rule and the early admission to Statehood of the 
Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma. 


"The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the con- 
duct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possi- 
ble to reduce the war debt in the sum of 810,000,000. So ample are the 
Government's revenues and so great is the public confidence in the in- 
tegrity of its obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent bonds sell at 
a premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the 
policy of the Republican party to bring about a reduction of the Avar 



"We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection of an 
Isthmian canal by the Government of the United States. New markets 
are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every 
effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the 
Orient, and the Administration is warmly to be commended for its sue- 


cessful effort to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy 
of the Open Door in China. 


"In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Con- 
gress create a Department of Commerce and Industries in the charge of 
a Secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. 

"The United States consular system should be reorganized under the 
supervision of this new department, upon a basis of appointment and 
tenure as will render it still more serviceable to the nation's increasing 

"The American Government must protect the person and property 
of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril. 


"We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record 
of public service in the Volunteer Aid Association and^-as nurses in 
camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the 
Eastern and Western Indies, and we appreciate their faithful cooper- 
ation in all works of education and industry. 


"President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United 
States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing 
us from the vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the govern- 
ment of Samoa, his course is especially to be commended in securing 
to our undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group 
and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific. Every American interest 
has been safeguarded. 


"We commend the part taken by our Government in the Peace Con- 
ference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy 
announced in the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Con- 
vention were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his 
friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the 
South African republics. While the American Government must con- 


tinue the policy prescribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding 
President and imposed upon us by The Hague Treaty, of non-interven- 
tion in European controversies, the American people earnestly hope 
that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending 
parties, to terminate the strife between them. 

"We commend the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands. 


"In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibilities of our 
victories in the Spanish war the President and the Senate won the un- 
doubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible 
than to destroy Spain's sovereignty throughout the West Indies and in 
the Philippine Islands. 

"That course created our responsibility before the world, and with 
the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from 
Spain to provide for the maintenance of law and order and for the estab- 
lishment of good government and for the performance of international 
obligations. Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, 
and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty 
of the Government to maintain its authority, to put down armed in- 
surrection and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon 
all the rescued peoples. 


"The largest measure of self-government consistent with their wel- 
fare and our duties shall be secured to them by law. To Cuba inde- 
pendence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which 
war was declared, and to the letter, this pledge shall be performed. 

"The Republican party upon its history and upon this declaration 
of its principles and policies confidentl}- invokes the considerate and 
approving judgment of the American people." 









INTRODUCTION ... ..... 273 







A RECORD OF INFAMY - .... . 353 





THE MONEY QUESTION - ....... 419 


















WILLIAM J. STONE . . , 289 

















It has devolved upon the Democratic party in this new crisis of the 
nation's history to reaffirm the four cardinal truths of free government 
set forth by Jefferson, the great founder of the party, in the Declaration 
of Independence: 

That all men are created equal; 

That all men are endowed with certain unalienable rights, among 
which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; 

That governments are instituted among men to secure these rights; 

That governments derive their just powers from the consent of the 

These four principles, upon which the Republic was founded and 
upon whose permanence the integrity of free government depends, stand 
in greater peril to-day than at any time since they were first declared. 
The party which has been in power since 1865 since the death of Lin- 
coln has pursued a course, from that time to this, of uniform hostility 
to these fundamentals of republicanism in its true sense. That party 
has steadily led in the encroachment of the few, the rich, the favored, 
the exclusive, upon the declared rights of the common people. But only 
within recent months have its leaders reached the summit of their arro- 
gance and dared openly to deny or condemn the principles they have long 
despised in secret. 

It is only since the last presidential election that the American people 
have heard the equality of men before the law denied by their leaders; 
the inalienable right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, pro- 
nounced a fiction; the purpose of government openly stated to be the 
extension of trade and territory without regard to rights, and the consent 
of the governed as a prerequisite to just government sneered at in high 
places as an exploded fallacy. 

Never before, since the days when Hamilton was voicing his contempt 
for and distrust of the common people, have such sentiments found utter- 
ance upon American lips. Never before were the rights of the people in 



such peril. For, while Hamilton and his fellow Federalists had power 
only to give verbal expression to their monarchical and plutocratic 
heresies, their successors, the imperialists of to-day, have been able and 
have dared to employ all the machinery of government, the army and 
navy, the power of the executive, the legislative function, and even the 
courts give force and effect to their damnable doctrines, both at home 
and abroad. 

Having control of both branches of the congress, as well as of the 
presidency, the Kepublican leaders have used the occasion of a war, 
begun upon the pretext of humanity, to establish a standing army of 
such proportions as to menace the liberties of the people. The nation 
having by the fortunes of war come into possession of alien territory 
in both the East and the West Indies, these conspirators have denied the 
right of citizenship and the protection of the Constitution to those natives 
who came willingly to our standards. Those who resisted are beiiiii' 
pursued with fire and sword, American arms being employed in the prose- 
cution of an invasion wholly analogous to that which enlisted the fathers 
of this republic against the armies of King George III of England. Tin- 
right has been claimed by Americans thus to enforce a government upon 
a liberty-loving people without the consent of the governed. The suc- 
cessor in the White House of Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln has 
sought to exercise monarchical rights over "subject colonies," decreeing 
one form of government for Caucasians living under the American flag 
and another for Malays; republicanism for Americans in Florida and a 
"benevolent despotism" for Americans in Porto Rico. 

"To me," wrote Franklin in an often quoted letter to Lord Howe, 
touching England's policy toward her colonies in America, "To me 
it seems that neither the obtaining nor retaining any trade, how valuable 
soever, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; 
that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce are 
the goodness and cheapness of commodities, and that the profits of no 
trade can ever be equal to the expense of.compelling it and holding it 
by fleets and armies. I consider this war against us, therefore, as both 
unjust and unwise, and I am persuaded that cool and dispassionate pos- 
terity will condemn to infamy those who advised it, and that even success 
will not save from some degree of dishonor those who voluntarily en- 
gaged to conduct it." 

The American imperialists of 1900 do not shame to plead trade and 


commerce in justification of their aggression in the Philippines or their 
denial of justice to the Porto Ricans. 

An era of brutal aggression for the sake of wealth seems to possess 
the earth. England, inspired by her own plutocrats and imperialists, 
is engaged in an unholy war to throttle the gallant republic of South 
Africa, giving to the Boers the same taste of "Anglo-Saxon civilization" 
that our imperialists are holding to the lips of the struggling Filipinos. 
And the patriots of both nations have had to hang their heads while 
Christendom pointed the finger of well-deserved scorn at the spectacle. 
For Americans who love their country the disgrace has been made more 
poignant by the undeniable sympathy and abettance accorded by their 
own chosen rulers to the enemies of a. sister republic in distress. 

The conspiracy has spanned the ocean. In America, as in England, 
the cynical apothegm of Cecil Rhodes has become the new charter of 
rights: "The flag is a commercial asset," With us militarism and 
plutocracy have all but abandoned pretense. The full malignity of their 
purpose now stands revealed. Wars of aggression in distant islands are 
to be but the prelude to a steady war of oppression at home. The stand- 
ing army raised to persecute the Filipinos is to be maintained to check 
the righteous protests of American labor against the despotism of 
monopoly and enforce the supremacy of organized wealth. Already 
in the Coeur d' Alenes this purpose has been disclosed. In partial 
return for the money with which his office was purchased, the President 
has been forced to send the army of the United States into a peaceful 
district, suspend the Constitution and substitute a ruthless martial order 
for the civil law. 

In a hundred other ways less openly violent, but no less menacing 
to the popular liberties, the same power manifests itself with increasing 
boldness. The term of the incumbent administration has witnessed the 
subjugation of American industry to a, new and insidious form of 
monopoly. The price of virtually all the staples of life has been removed 
from the domain of supply and demand and been made a. creature of the 
greed or caprice of individuals who defy at once the protests of their 
victims and the law. 

The agents of these new giants of industry invade the halls of congress 
and fix the terms of legislation. Even the White House is not closed in 
their faces. Within a few months their power has had its most odious 
and most startling manifestation in the shameful spectacle of a President 


of the United States publicly recanting his avowed principles upon a 
plain question of moral and constitutional right. 

Seeing these infamies practiced at home and abroad in the name of 
patriotism and the "old flag," we realize what Dr. Johnson meant when 
he spoke of patriotism as "that last refuge of scoundrels." The standard 
of the Republic has been used to stimulate the "war spirit'' and mask the 
sinister purposes of its worst enemies. Greed for new territory and new 
wealth has justified any and all means by which they can be obtained. 
The lover of his country who has dared to call a halt to this headlong 
course has been denounced as "traitor" and "copperhead." "Every- 
where," said Sir Thomas Moore, describing a slate of affairs not wholly 
unlike the present, "do I perceive a certain conspiracy of rich men seek- 
ing their private advantage under the name and pretext of the Common- 

Happily for the Republic, the Democracy has been neither blind to 
these perils nor daunted by their magnitude. To the present situation 
the Party of the People brings the experience of a full century and the 
record of more than one victory over the power of monopoly and organ- 
ized greed. It is a hundred years since Thomas Jefferson, having aroused 
the friends of human rights and civil liberty, led them to victory at the 
polls. The American Democracy, thus organized into a party, lived upon 
the impetus given by its great founder until a new champion was found, 
in Andrew Jackson, to lead its hosts against a new enemy. The National 
Bank marshaled in aid of its gigantic monopoly a host of politicians, 
subsidized newspapers, financiers and wealthy men of business, as pow- 
erful, as arrogant and as contemptuous of popular rights as is the similar 
army which swarms to the support of the administration now in power. 

But the genius of Jefferson, reinforced by the courage and sagacity of 
his great successor, once more sufficed to rally the hosts of the people. 
The contest which ensued was the bitterest known in American politics, 
but the result was never really in doubt. In the end the victory came, 
as it always must, to "human rights against inhuman greed." In the 
message accompanying his veto of the National Bank act, President Jack- 
son used these words which recur with startling force at this time: 

"In the full enjoyment of the gifts of heaven and the fruits of superior 
industry, economy and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection 
by law; but when the law undertakes to add to these natural and just 
advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities and exclusive 


privileges, to make the rick richer and the potent more powerful, the 
humble members of society the farmers, mechanics and laborers who 
have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, 
have a right to complain of the injustice of their government. There are 
no necessary evils in government. Its evils exist only in its abuses. 
If it would confine itself to equal protection, and, as heaven does its rain, 
shower its favors alike on the high and the low, the rich and the poor, 
it would- be an unqualified blessing." 

The struggle has never ceased from that day to this the struggle of 
the dollar for mastery over the man. Lincoln himself had it in mind 
when he warned the country of a "greater conflict" to follow the fall of 
black slavery, in which a new and no less hateful serfdom would menace 
the poor. It was during his first administration that he wrote : 

"Monarchy itself is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from 
the power of the people. In my present position, I could scarcely be 
justified were I to omit raising a warning voice against this approach of 
returning despotism. It is not needed or fitting here that a general 
argument should be made in favor of popular institutions, but there is 
one point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to which 
I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital on an equal footing 
with, if not above, labor in the structure of government." 

Thus the encroachments of the plutocracy upon the rights of the 
common people are not a new or an unreal danger. They have been 
recognized and combated from the beginnings of the Republic by its 
wisest and most patriotic leaders. Tha,t they are more real and more 
menacing to-day than ever before is a natural evolution of the years of 
Republican ascendency following the civil war. From tha.t time until 
the present, the party of special privilege and plutocracy held undis- 
puted control of the federal government, virtually unbroken by the inter- 
regnum of false democracy under Grover Cleveland. 

During this period class legislation became the order of the day, 
and wealth not only sought favors from the government, but secured 
exemption from just burdens. When war taxes were to be reduced, the 
taxes bearing upon the rich were taken off first. The income tax was 
repealed in the face of protests even from the more conservative members 
of the ruling party. High duties were placed upon the necessities of life 
on the ground that infant industries required assistance, with the result 
that the owners of the aided industries grew rich, while home-owning 


decreased and tenancy increased among the consumers. Railroads were 
constructed upon a. plan which permitted watered stock, fictitious capi- 
talization and the over-issue of bonds, with the result that the patrons of 
the roads became the victims of extortionate rates and the manipulators 
of the roads became suddenly and enormously H<-!i. 

All financial legislation was in the interest of bondholders and the 
creditor class. Government contracts were boldly altered to that end. 
In 1873, a change was made in the standard money, so wanton and 
indefensible that scarcely any public man connected with that outrage 
has been willing to admit it since, and every party convention for twenty- 
three years gave pledge for the restoration of the double standard. 

The Democracy forced the issue four years ago by taking a positive 
and unequivocal position in favor of the immediate restoration of 
bimetallism, without regard to the other nations, at the legal ratio. This 
action has had the happy effect of driving the false Democrats out of the 
party and forcing the Republicans to throw away duplicity and align 
themselves openly, where their leaders have always really stood, with 
the British gold standard. There is no longer even a pretense in the 
camp of the plutocracy of intent to redeem the pledges of many years 
and give effect to repeated promises to restore silver to its lawful place. 

Openly now, and without reserve, the Republican party is the party 
of the creditor class, at whatever cost to the common people. The people 
no longer figure in their plans or councils. Having taken another step 
toward the gold standard, and having provided for the substitution of 
bank notes for greenbacks, they now declare the money question settled; 
but, as Mr. Bryan has pointed out, they have in reserve the withdrawal 
of the legal tender function from the silver dollar and the establishment 
of the branch bank, neither of which they now discuss, but both of which 
they will attempt as soon as they think it safe to do so. 

To meet these manifold perils the Democracy is better prepared than 
ever before because all the trust magnates, monopolists and false proph- 
ets have left its ranks and arrayed themselves openly with the enemy. 
More clearly than ever the issue is defined between the people and those 
who seek to oppress and exploit them. Monopoly, imperialism, special 
privilege and class legislation are the standard* raised on one side; on the 
other the Democracy takes its stand, confident as ever in the virtue, the 
intelligence and the resistless power of the American people. 




Senator James K. Jones, of Arkansas, Chairman of the Democratic 
National Committee for several years, is a typical Southern statesman 
who does his constituents and his country loyal service. His home for 
many years has been in Washing-ton, Hempstead county, although he 
was born in Marshall county, Mississippi, September 29, 1839. His la- 
ther was a rich planter of the old Arkansas aristocracy who knew the 
value of learning and saw to it that his son had a thorough classical edu- 

When the Civil War began young Jones had finished his education 
and was a sturdy young planter of tweuty-t \v<> years of age. He might 
have been an officer as so many of tin- m-i^hliorini: young men of the 
same circle of society were, but he enlisted as a private and served with 
courage, although on the losing side, till the end of the war. After 
peace returned to the Nation he lived on his own plantation till 1873, 
when having read law and commenced the pi-act i<e of his profes- 
sion, he was elected to the State Senate of Arkansas. He was a mem- 
ber of that body when the constitutional convention of ls7l was called 
to consider the necessary ''reconstruction" measures. lie was elected 
and re-elected under the new government, and in isTT was elected presi- 
dent of the State Senate. 

It was in 1881 that Senator Jones entered national politics, being 
elected to the Forty-seventh Congress as a member of the House of 
Representatives. He was re-elected to the next two Congresses, only to 
be promoted thence to a seat in the Senate. He was elected to the latter 
body by the Legislature of his State as a Democrat to succeed James D. 
Walker, taking his seat March 4, 1885. Re-elected twice since that 
time, his term of service will expire in 1903. 

Senator Jones became most conspicuous to the country at large 
when in 1890 as Chairman of the Democratic National Committee he 
managed the remarkable campaign for the presidency made by William 
J. Bryan. In this capacity of course he became well known to every one 
of the party leaders and workers, as well as to hosts of others, north as 
well as south* Earnest in the cause which he supported, he became 
one of the popular national figures and there was a general sentiment 
of approval when his party adherents learned that he was to conduct 
the campaign of 1900 for the Democratic ticket. 



David Bennett Hill was born on August 20, 1843, in the little village 
of Havana, in Chemung (now Schuyler) County, New York. He was 
essentially a man of the people. His father was a house carpenter in 
humble circumstances. Nevertheless, out of his savings he was enabled 
to give his son a fair education, not only at the common schools, but at the 
academy of his native place. Young David then entered a lawyer's office 
in the same village, where he made fires, swept out the office, and dusted, 
the books of his employer, occupying such leisure as was left him in weed- 
ing his mother's garden, and tending to the household "chores." Ever 
willing and obliging, he attracted the favorable attention of .Mr. Hart, a 
lawyer from Elmira, 

% .My lad," said Hart, "come down with me to Elniira, and I will make 
you a lawyer from my office." 1 He went, and two years later, when he 
was scarcely twenty-one years of age. was admitted to the liar. 

He had political aspirations, and threw himself heart and soul into 
the work of the Democratic party at Klminu Before he had been six 
months in practice, he was elected city attorney. In 1868 he was ap- 
pointed delegate to the Democrat ir State Convention, thereafter attend- 
ing every suceeding convention, being president of the body in 1877 and 
1881. In 1870-71 he was in the State Legislature. One of his first acts 
in the Albany Assembly was to introduce a hill advocating the abolition 
of contract labor in State prisons. The idea was not popular in 1870. 
It was thought by many to savor of demagog iiery, and the lull came to an 
untimely end. But fourteen years later, when .Mr. Hill was Lieutenant- 
Governor, it was his hand that held the gavel of the president of the Sen- 
ate that gave the death-blow to the convict-labor system in New York 
State* In 1876 he was delegate to the National Convention that nom- 
inated Mr. Til den, and was one of the most ardent champions of the Sage 
of Greystone. 

In 1882 he was elected Mayor of El mini. He was Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor of New York under Cleveland in 1884 and upon Cleveland's resigna- 
tion to assume the dignity of President, Mr. Hill Inn-ame Governor for the 
unexpired term. In 1885 and again in 1888 he was re-elected for the full 
term of three years. In 1891 he was elected to the Tinted States Senate, 
his term expiring March 3, 1897. 



Arthur Pue Gorman, of Laurel, was born in Howard County, Mary- 
land, March. 11, 1839. On his father's side he comes of Irish Presby- 
terian stock. Peter Gorman was a power in politics, though refusing 
to accept any office for himself. He became identified with the Douglas 
Democracy as one of its leaders in Maryland. Young Arthur received a 
meagre education at the public schools and at the age of thirteen his 
father had him appointed a page in the United States Senate. Here 
the ready intelligence and quirk wit of the boy attracted the attention of 
Stephen A. Douglas, who made him his protege. 1'nder the guidance of 
this able statesman, Gorman learned his lirst lemons in politics and 
statecraft. lie continued in the service of the Senate until 18C6, at 
which time he was postmaster. He left Washington at that time to be- 
come collector of internal revenue for the fifth district of Maryland. 
In June, 180!), he was made director of the rhesepeake and Ohio Canal 
company, rising to be president in 1872. Meanwhile, in November, 1869, 
he had been elected to the Maryland Legislature as a Democrat. He was 
re-elected in 1871 and chosen Speaker of the House. In 1875 he was 
transferred to the State Senate, where he served for four years. In 1880 
he reached what had long been the goal of his ambition. He was sent 
back to the Senate of the United States, not t his t ime as a page, but as a 
full-fledged Senator from Maryland. He has remained there ever since. 

Mr. Gorman is one of the most notable figures in the Senate. It was 
he who engineered and manoeuvered the opposing forces against the 
Lodge Bill. When a few years ago his old home near Laurel was burned, 
the flames fed upon one of the most complete and valuable historical and 
political libraries in the country. It then developed that when this 
much-sought-for man fled from Washington to the seclusion of his coun- 
try home he was devoting himself to his books and to his family with the 
same enthusiasm that he gave to his political work. 

Mr. Gorman's domestic life lias been a peculiarly happy one. His 
wife was Mrs. Hattie D. Schwartz when he married her. They have 
six children. 




William J. Stone, ex-Governor of Missouri, was born in Kentucky, 
fifty-one years ago. He is tall, lank, and strikingly like Henry Clay in 
appearance, manner and training. He has served three terms as a Rep- 
resentative in Congress and for four years he was Governor of Missouri, 
the greatest Democratic State of the union. % 

In his earlier days, soon after graduating from the Missouri Univer- 
sity, he served part of a term, after election by the people, as prosecuting 
attorney of Vernon county, M<>., the county seat of which, his home 
town, is Nevada. The office was worth about XLTiO a year and carried 
with it a great deal of hard work. He soon discovered that there was 
more money fighting the State than there was in fighting for it, so he 
resigned and began taking the other side of cases that came to court. 
He soon grew into a good country practice, and in time became a suc- 
cessful and forceful practitioner along the whole gamut of the law. 
This gave him local fame, which he finally utili/ed to get a nomination 
for Congress. He was elected and twice re-elected, and gave at Wash- 
ington the usual service of a country member. He was not especially 
taken with service in Congress and voluntarily nave up a third nomina- 
tion to stand for Governor. 

Mr. Stone has taken a strong, independent stand against machine 
politics and has consequently won the respect and admiration of his 
State. When a candidate for the gubernatorial nomination he was 
courageous enough to stand firm against the efforts of the "machine" 
managers in St. Louis to command a large local campaign contribution 
from him and to compel a promise that he would yield all the local offi- 
ces to their selection. Nevertheless he rocognized that the party work- 
ers who helped him should be recognized, and once elected he gave offi- 
ces to some of the very men to whom he had refused to bind himself prior 
to the nomination. 

In the Democratic National Convention of 1800 and the campaign 
that followed it he was one of the most energetic and effective workers 
in the national committee 1 of which he is a member, and his services are 
highly prized by his fellow Democrats. In a State such as Missouri it 
is a distinction indeed to be the leading Democrat of all, and yet un- 
doubtedly that is the position that would be ascribed to Mr. Stone if his 
fellow citizens of that commonwealth were to make such a comparison. 



James Daniel Richardson, of Murfreesboro, was born in Rutherford 
county, Tenn., March 10, 1843. lie attended the country schools as a 
child and was at Franklin College, near Nashville, when the war began. 
At the age of eighteen he entered the Confederate army as a private, 
leaving college before he graduated. He served four years in the army, 
the first year as a private, the remaining three as adjutant <if the Forty- 
fifth Tennessee Infantry. One of his arms was permanently disabled at 
the battle of Atlanta. 

When the war was ended he read law and began its practice in Janu- 
ary, 1876, at Murfreesboro. He naturally drifted into politics. He was 
soon conspicuous in his community, and was circled in 1871 to the lower 
house of the Tennessee Legislature, and although but twenty-eight 
years of age, he enjoyed the unusual distinction of being elected to the 
speakership. The next two years he served in the State Senate. He 
was a delegate to the St. Louis Democratic ((invention in 1876, and to the 
Chicago Democratic convent ion in IS'.M;. when he was temporary chair- 
man. Owing to Permanent Chairman White's illness he presided much 
of the time in that officer's stead. lie was first elected to the Forty-ninth 
Congress, has served in all subsequent Congresses and has been elected to 
the next. 

When the Democratic representatives in Congress several years ago 
took the stand that Spanish oppression in the western hemisphere should 
cease, Richardson's speech was one of such eloquence and force as to 
attract wide attention. 

Mr. Richardson has accomplished a serious historical work in his 
"Messages and Papers of the Presidents," a task entrusted to him by 
Congress. It is a superb compilation of all public Presidential docu- 
ments, and constitutes a history of this country and its marvelous expan- 
sion from the standpoint of the nation's various executives. In its index- 
ing, in its commentaries and explanations, .Mr. Kichardson has performed 
a difficult task most creditably from the view point of a historian and 
litterateur. It will endure as a valuable contribution to historical litera- 
ture and as a reference for students of the world. 

Mr. Richardson is a thirty-third degree .Mason, and has been Grand 
Master of Tennessee, Grand High Priest of the Grand Chapter, Royal 
Arch Masons, and Inspector-General of the Ancient and Accepted Scot- 
tish Rite of that State. 




John Warwick Daniel, of Virginia, was born in Lynchburg, Camp- 
bell county, Va., September 5, 1842. He was educated in private schools, 
Lynchburg College, and Dr. Gessner Harrison's University School. He 
entered the Confederate army as a second lieutenant in the "Stonewall 
Brigade" in May, 1801, and became major and chief of staff of General 
Jubal A. Early, as- which he served until crippled in the Wilderness, 
May 6, 1864. 

After the war he studied law in the University of Virginia in 1865-06, 
and practiced law with his father, the late Judjie William Daniel 'Jr. 
of the Virginia Supreme Court, until his death in 1873. He has been 
created Doctor of Laws by Washington and Lee University and by Michi- 
gan University. 

Senator Daniel began his political career as a member of the Vir- 
ginia House, where he served from 1809. to 1872, and continued it in 
the Virginia Senate from IN~."I to 1881. In 1881 he received the Demo- 
cratic nomination for governor, but was defeated by W. 10. Cameron, 
"readjuster," and returned to law practice. He was elected to the House 
of Representatives of the forty-ninth Congress in 1884. He was elected 
to the United States Senate as a Democrat, to succeed William .Ma hone, 
and took his seat March 4, 1887. He was unanimously re-elected in 
December, 1891, and unanimously re-elected for the third time. Dec-em- 
ber, 1897. His term of service will expire March .'*, r.iir>. 

Senator Daniel is the author of "Daniel on Attachments" and "Daniel 
on Negotiable Instruments," He is one of the most distinguished looking 
men in the Senate. Of medium height, with straight, square shoulders, 
heavy, black waving hair, piercing black eyes and a clear cut classical 
face, he presents a striking figure. He is one of the free silver leaders 
and a man of great influence. He is a ready debater, and because of 
his impressive, eloquent oratory is in great request as a public speaker. 

During the Democratic convention of 1890 in Chicago, which resulted 
in the nomination of Mr. Bryan for the presidency, Senator Daniel was a 
commanding figure. He presided much of the time and made one of the 
most striking speeches. In the Senate he fought for American inter- 
vention in Cuban affairs and always has stood for movements looking 
toward the freedom of oppressed countries. 



The famous Senator from Missouri, whose name is known to every 
student of national affairs, was born at Frankfort, Kentucky, Decem- 
ber 6, 1830. Center College, in Danville, Kentucky, is noteworthy for 
the eminent men who have been educated there, and Senator Vest is 
not the least of the long list. Among them may be named forty-four 
college professors, twenty-six < 'oiigressmen, four United States Sena- 
tors, seven Governors, two Vice-Presidents of the Tinted States, one 
Justice of the Supreme Court, fort}"-uine editors and thirty-nine Circuit 
Judges. Finishing his college course, Mr. Vest entered the Law De- 
partment of Transylvania University, at Lexington, Kentucky, and 
graduated there in 1853. 

About the time he finished his la\v studies, Mr. Vest married Miss 
Sallie Sneed, of Kentucky, and in 1853 they set out for California, with 
never a thought of becoming residents of the Mississippi valley. The 
lumbering vehicle in which they traveled was not in good condition, and 
a breakdown occurred at a small village, one of the quaint, ugly, irregu- 
lar ante-bellum settlements of the new Southwest. The place was 
Georgetown, Missouri, and there it was that young Mr. and Mrs. Vest 
found themselves at the merry of a broken wheel. While the stage- pas- 
sengers were thus awkwardly waiting, an old negro approached the 
young lawyer and ;>sked his assistance. The black man explained that 
he had a son who was accused of murder. Feeling against the boy was 
very strong, and the father pleaded with the traveling attorney to stop 
and lend his assistance. Mr. Vest concluded to allow the stage to pro- 
ceed while he undertook the task of helping the negro and his boy. 
When the trial was over the boy was acquitted. A mob was speedily 
formed, the young fellow was taken from the jail, and in a little while 
he was dead. 

Because of his connection with tin's case Vest was not particularly 
popular, and for this reason, as much as any other, he concluded to be- 
come a Missourian and stand his ground. At once he began to secure 
a following, and in a short time was rated as one of the important law- 
yers of the section in which he lived. He was a Presidential elector on 
the Democratic ticket in 1800, a member of the Missouri House of Rep- 
resentatives at the same time, and three years a member of the Confed- 
erate Congress, serving in both houses. He was elected to the United 
States Senate in 1879, and has been thrice re-elected. His term w r ill 
expire in 1903. 



The man who perhaps better than any other iu the United States 
stands to his enemies as the embodiment of political bossisni and to his 
friends as the personification of good faith and genuine loyalty is Kit-h- 
ard Croker, leader of Tammany Hall. lie \vas born in Ireland in 1S40, 
coming to America with his parents when he was eleven years old. Set- 
tling in New York at once, he has grown to manhood and power in that 
city, gaining his strong political influence by the force of his own per- 
sonality. He has been in turn a mechanic in a machine shop, the leader 
of a famous "gang" of street roughs and a leader in ward politics. He 
finally became an alderman, since which time he has never had any 
known business or interest except politics and ollice holding. The only 
exception is that in the last few years he has acquired an interest in a 
real estate firm in New York, and even more recently has become heav- 
ily interested in a valuable stable of race horses and in various city con- 
cessions and trusts in New York. 

Such schooling as Kichard I Broker has had, he got in one of t he public 
schools of New York, leaving it at an early age to begin the battle of life 
for himself. This was in 1856. His first situation was that of choreboy 
to a railway shop force at *'2 a week. As he grew older and stronger he 
became first a leader of the"Fourt ha venue tunnel gang," and then a local 
leader in ward politics. Finally he aspired to be an alderman, was 
granted the nomination and was elected. Once in a political street fight 
a man was killed, and Croker was tried for the crime. He refused to 
testify, but the jury disagreed and ultimately he was discharged. Later 
the man who was guilty confessed on his death bed. 

Mr. Croker has held the offices of alderman, coroner, fire commis- 
sioner and city chamberlain in New York, the latter office paying a sal- 
ary 'of $25,000 a year. His leadership of Tammany Hall, the great 
municipal organization of New York Democrats, whose influence rami- 
fies through city, county, state and national affairs, began with the 
death of John Kelly, his predecessor. He has extended and magnified 
the power of the place until to-day he has to be reckoned with in every 
political move contemplated by his party. 



Senator Joseph Clay Stiles Blackburn, of Kentucky, is one of the 
sturdy Democrats of that commonwealth where pioneers made glorious 
history and fought their way against the savages. He is a native of the 
State he serves, and is a typical Kentuckian in manners and looks, a 
popular man among all parties and all parts of the State, and worthy 
of the honors which have been granted him. 

He was born in Woodford County, October 1, 1838, and gaining his 
education in village schools as a hoy, went next to Sayres Institute at 
Frankfort, and finally completed his studies by attending Center Col- 
lege at Danville, Ky., from which he graduated in 1857 when he was 
nineteen years of age. Studying law under the direction of George B. 
Kincaid, of Lexington, he was admitted to the bar in 1858. At first he 
chose Chicago for his place of residence, and removing to t hat rising city 
he practiced his profession there until 1S01, when the outbreak of the 
Civil War interrupted his quiet life. Returning to \\\< native county 
he entered the Confederate army and served until tue end of the war, 
making a creditable record as a soldier for himself. 

When the war ended Mr. Hlackburn, then twenty-seven years old, 
resumed the practice of law, but this time in his home State, lie rose 
in his profession and in the political circles which he entered, and in 
1871 was elected a member of the Kentucky Legislature, in which he 
served for two terms, or four years. In 1874 he was elected to the 
House of Representatives as a Democrat, and by successive re-elections 
served in Congress until 1&85. In that year he was elected United 
States Senator to succeed John S. Williams, and in is'.H he was re- 
elected, making a service in the Senate at the close of the second term 
in 1897, of twelve years. At the end of that time the Kentucky Legisla- 
ture went into what is known in politics as a "deadlock," and although 
Senator Blackburn came within two votes of being chosen, there was 
no election that year. In January, 1900, however, his name was again 
submitted, and he w r as elected once more as Tinted States Senator to 
succeed William Lindsay. Senator Blackburn is a pronounced Silver 
Democrat, in full sympathy with his party, and is ret-o^ni/ed as one of 
the party leaders. Kentuckians have more than once considered sub- 
mitting his name as a Presidential candidate. 



The venerable and influential senior Senator from Alabama, recog- 
nized in all parties as one of the most able and powerful members of 
that body, has been conspicuous for public service in his State and in 
the United States for many years. He was born at Athens, Tennessee, 
June 20, 1824, and received an academic education, chiefly in Alabama, 
where he removed when a boy of nine years of age. Since then Selma 
has been his place of resilience. He studied law, was admitted to the 
bar in 1845, and whenever in private life has practiced his profession 
since that time. 

Mr. Morgan began his political career as a young man and in 1860 
was a Presidential elector, voting for Breckinridge and Lane. The 
next year he was a delegate from Dallas County to the State conven- 
tion, which passed the ordinance of secession. "Willing to fight for the 
cause he supported, he enlisted as a private in Company I, Oaiiaba 
Rifles. When that company was assigned to the Fifth Alabama regi- 
ment, under Colonel Robert E. Kodes, lie was elected major and after- 
wards lieutenant-colonel of that regiment. He was commissioned in 
1862 as colonel and raised th> Kifty-tirst Alabama regiment. The next 
year he was appointed a brigadier-general and assigned to a brigade in 
Virginia, but soon resigned to join his regiment, whose colonel had 
been killed in battle. Later in the same year he was again appointed 
brigadier-general and assigned to an Alabama brigade which included 
his old regiment. 

At the close of the war General Morgan resumed the practice of his 
profession at Selma and stood high among the lawyers of t lie Slate. He 
was chosen a Presidential elector-at-large for Alabama in 1876, and 
voted for Tilden and Ilendricks. The same year he was elected to the 
United States Senate to succeed George Goldthwaite, taking his seat 
March 5, 1877. He was re-elected in 1882, 1888 and 1894, his present 
term of service theref ore expi ring .March :;, 1901. 

In the summer of 1897, Senator Morgan made a journey to the Ha- 
waiian Islands, remaining there sever; 1 . 1 weeks and visiting all parts of 
the archipelago. Having informed himself fully concerning all the af- 
fairs of the islands his knowledge was of ^reat value to his fellow Sen- 
ators when Congress reassembled. As a natural consequence he was 
appointed a member of the commission to prepare a system of laws for 
Hawaii. He is a Democrat of the old school and warmly admired by 
his colleagues. 



Benjamin Ryan Tillman, the famous radical of Trenton, was born on 
his father's plantation in Edgefield County, {South Carolina, August 11, 
1847. During the war he was attending an academy at Bethany. His 
elder brothers in the field wrote to encourage him to make the best of 
his opportunities, for the war might prove of such duration as to rob him 
of educational advantages, did he quit school to join the army. The 
boy's craving for learning and his desire to enter the Confederate army 
drove him to the woods at night to study his Greek and Latin by the 
flaring light of a pine knot torch in order to hasten his education. One 
night the heat of the torch caused an injury to his left eye, which resulted 
in a severe illness lasting two years. When lie finally recovered the war 
was over and the eye was blind. 

In 1807 he removed to Florida, where a year later he married Miss 
Starke. He helped in the election of \Vade Hampton, and was captain 
of the Edgefield Hussars, where he acquired his title of captain. 

Mr. Tillman was a farmer and took no active part in politics till 1886, 
when he began the agitation for industrial and technical education which 
culminated in the establishment of the rieinson Agricultural and Me- 
chanical College at Fort Hill. The boldness of liis utterances startled the 
conservatives and a war of denunciation was begun against the innovator, 
who was contemptuously styled the "Agricultural .Moses." lie accepted 
the title and wrote a brilliant series of letters to the Charleston News 
and Courier. The farmers read them eagerly and he was put forward 
by them as a candidate for Governor in 1890. After an exciting and 
heated canvass he was elected as a Democrat. This was his first political 
office and he was re-elected in 1892 by an overwhelming vote. His term 
as Governor was signalized by the passage of the dispensary law for the 
control of the liquor traffic by the State and by the establishment of an- 
other college, the Winthrop Normal and Industrial College for Women 
at Kock Hill. He entered the race for the Senate against General Butler 
and was elected by a vote of 131 to 21. His term of service will expire 
March 3, 1901. 



The distinguished Senator from Warreusburg, Missouri, is a Mis- 
sourian by birth, having been born in Johnson County, October 1, 1834. 
He is almost the last of the famous group that was for years the chief 
part of American official life. There were Conkling, Blaine, Bayard, 
Thurman, Voorhees, Beck, Vest, Vance, Ilamlin, Morrill, Ingalls and 
David Davis, most of them now dead, Ingalls out of politics, and Vest 
announcing his retirement at the expiration of his present term. 

Francis Marion Cockrell received his rarly education in the common 
schools of the county in which he was born, and his collegiate instruc- 
tion in Chapel Hill College, Lafayette County, Missouri, fie graduated 
from that institution in July ,.1853, and like so many others of our great- 
est public men is thus a product of what some lightly term "the cornfield 
college." These institutions with small material equipment and small 
endowment are scattered all over this broad land, training the minds 
of young men and women who would find the great and expensive insti- 
tutions of more prehension quite out of their reach. With not many 
students to instruct, the professors are able to come close to them and 
teach them by contact and association to a degree that is not possible 
in the great seats of learning. From such a school as this, then, of the 
sort that is still doing so much for the cause of American education, 
young Cockrell graduated. 

The young man decided to make the law his profession, and com- 
pleting the necessary studies as rapidly as possible he was admitted to 
the bar and has pursued the career chosen consistently ever since. He 
had never held any office prior to his election to Congress. It is the 
proudest sort of a proof that he was an eminent lawyer of high standing 
in his State that he could thus be elected to the United States Senate 
without going through the preliminary steps that are so generally found 
necessary. There was no succession of State Legislature and other of- 
fice for him.. He was wanted at once for the higher office and he re- 
sponded to the call. 

Mr. Cockrell was elected to the Senate as a Democrat, with which 
party he had always identified himself, to succeed Carl Schurz, Inde- 
pendent Republican, taking his seat March 4, 1875. He was re-elected 
in 1881, 1887, 1893 and 1899, so that the end of his present term in 1905 
will mark the close of thirty years of continuous service. 



The Honorable Joseph W. Bailey of Texas, is one of the best-known 
members of the National House of Representatives, in which he has 
been recognized as one of the leaders of the Democratic party almost 
from the time of his entrance into Congress. 

Mr. Bailey is a genuine and a typical Southerner, with all the ad- 
mirable qualities that multiply under the Southern skies. He was born 
in Copiah County, Mississippi, October 6, 1863, when the War of the 
Rebellion was at its height, and, living the life of the young man of that 
region, he was educated in the neighborhood schools and academies, 
read law in an office near home, and was admitted to the bar in 1883 
when but twenty years of age. The next year he entered national poli- 
tics in the service of the Democratic party, with which his lot was cast, 
as a district elector on the Cleveland and Houdricks ticket, which was 
the winner in the national campaign of that year. Mississippi, though 
his native State, did not seem to the young lawyer to offer the oppor- 
tunities for advancement and prosperity that might be found in a newer 
commonwealth. In 1885, therefore, Mr. Bailey removed to Texas, that 
largest of all our American States, with its romantic and inspiring his- 
tory, its varied products, its great areas of ferule soil, and all the quali- 
ties that promise leadership in material affairs. To him Texas was 
opportunity, and to Texas he went. 

The city of Gainesville is in the extreme northern part of the State, 
adjacent to t"he boundary of Indian Territory. It offered an excellent 
field for the practice of law and the entrance into politics. In both Mr. 
Bailey was highly successful. Identifying himself with his party he 
threw his energies into the campaigns that followed, and in 1888 was 
honored by being made one of the electors-at-large for the State to vote 
for Mr. Cleveland, who was that year defeated for re-election by Mr. 
Harrison. Mr. Bailey was elected to the Fifty-second Congress in 1890 
as a member of the national House of Representatives, and has been 
re-elected in all successive elections since that time. At once taking a 
prominent position in the House, he has held it, and is one of the ac- 
knowledged leaders of his party. He is a member of the Ways and 
Means Committee and of the Committee on Rules. 




Benjamin F. Shiveley, of South Bend, Indiana, was born in St. Joseph 
County, Indiana, March 20, 1857. His early life was spent on a farm and 
he acquired the rudiments of his education in the common schools. He 
left the farm while still a mere youth, entered the Indiana Normal 
School at Valparaiso, and after a systematic course of study in that in- 
stitution, he took up teaching, to which he devoted five years. In 1880 
he settled in South Bend, where he was offered the editorship of the 
"Industrial Era," a newspaper devoted to the interests of the Greenback 
movement. In this way he got into politics, and went to Congress as 
the successor of W. H. Calkins, who resigned to campaign for the gover- 
norship. At that time Mr. Shiveley was only twenty-seven years old, 
and the youngest member of the House of Representatives. 

At the end of his term Mr. Shiveley entered the Law School of the 
University of Michigan and graduated with the class of 1886. In the 
fall following his graduation, he was elected to Congress, this time for 
a full term. As a Congressman he served as a member of the House 
Committee on Banking and Currency. In the Fifty-first Congress he 
was a member of the Ways and Means Commit fee and was also a mem- 
ber of the Committee on Indian Dcpivdation Claims. 

Mr. Shiveley measures more than six feet in height, is a man of im- 
posing physique, and has both a striking and a handsome countenance. 
He is a born orator, and is '-onsidrivd one- of the most convincing and 
eloquent stump speakers in the State. Altogether Mr. Shiveley was 
elected to Congress four times by the people of his district. In 1892, 
which ended his last term as a representative from Indiana, he wrote 
an open letter to his constituents in which he announced that it was his 
intention to retire from public life and to accept no more nominations. 
The idol of the Democrats and the Greenback element as he was, Mr. 
Shiveley undoubtedly could have been re-elected by an increased ma- 
jority if he had not persist (M! in his choice to remain in private life and 
continue his legal practice. In spite of repeatedly refusing nomina- 
tions to office since that time, he has always been liberal with his ser- 
vices in the cause of Democracy and in every campaign has been in great 
demand as a stump speaker. His Indiana constituents consider him 
an ideal candidate for the Vice Presidency on the ticket with Mr. Bryan, 
and his name attracted favorable comment prior to the assembling of 
the Kansas Citv convention. 



The eminent Massachusetts Democrat, who is best known as George 
Fred. Williams, has been an interesting figure in American national pol- 
itics for a number of years. He was born in 1851 in Germany, but was 
brought to America by his parents, who were both Germans, when but 
an infant. His father, who was a sailor, lost his life at sea when the 
boy was but ten years old, but left his family well provided for. In the 
panic of 1873 Mrs. Williams lost all her property, so that the young 
man had to complete his education by working his way through the 
schools he attended after that time. Mr. Williams is a highly-educated 
man, having studied at Dartmouth College, Heidelberg. Merlin and 
other European Universities. He got his law education with the money 
he saved from teaching school. 

The home of the Williams family was ar Dedham, .Massachusetts, 
and, favorably known as he was there, young Williams soon had a good 
practice. At the time of the Bussey bridge disaster he settled many 
of the claims with the railway, and is said to have cleared $25,000 in the 
cases resulting. Soon after his admission to the bar he began to inter- 
est himself in politics. Until 1884 he was a Republican, but left that 
party on the nomination of Blaine for the Presidency, lie became a 
"Mugwump," was a member of the Independent Convention in New 
York that endorsed Grover Cleveland, and was prominent in the Massa- 
chusetts campaign which followed, lie was elected to Congress, and in 
1896, as the Democratic candidate for the governorship of Massa- 
chusetts, made a good fight against impossible odds. 

As a speaker Mr. AVilliams has few superiors. He was an important 
factor in the Democratic National Convention of 18JM5, being particu- 
larly conspicuous as a pronounced advocate of fret 1 silver coinage in a 
region of the East where such advocates in high places were far from 
numerous. Ever since the election of President MeKinley in 1896 Mr. 
Williams has devoted himself and all his energies to the cause of silver, 
in his home State and elsewhere, bringing to the work an indefatiga- 
bility which never knows what it is to be tired. In the recent Demo- 
cratic Convention in Kansas City he was no less prominent, being 
recognized as one of the intimate friends and personal representatives 
of Mr. Bryan. 



John R. McLean was born in Cincinnati, September 17, 184 S. He 
was the ordinary public school boy, fond of athletics and ready at all 
times to protect himself. His prowess as a baseball player was wide- 
spread, and he did much to put tin* uame MI its present substantial 
footing, being a member of the famous Red Stocking team. Completing 
his education in the public schools, he went to Harvard College and 
thence to Germany, where he took up the study of foreign languages. 
Returning to Cincinnati, he took service under his father and his busi- 
ness partner, James J. Faran, in the office of the Cincinnati Enquirer. 
There was nothing of the fop about the boy. and when his father, Wash- 
ington McLean, made him the ollice boy, he acquiesced in his decision, 
and jH'rforined all the menial duties assigned him. His father had old- 
fashioned ideas as to the bringing up of youth, and 1..- exercised them 
in his son John's case to the fullest bent. 

In 1873 his father sold him a half interest in the paper. lie did not 
give it to him, as many fathers would have done. The far-seeing elder 
wanted to further incukate business ideas into the young man's head. 
For eight years Mi-. .McLean worked and saved until he had discharged 
his obligations. In 1881 he purchased the interest of Mr. Faran and 
became sole owner of the Enquirer. Mr. McLean he-an his maua-< - 
ment of the paper by making himself thoroughly familiar with every 
branch of the business in his establishment. His lirst experience was 
with the publication department, of which he took the charge, and while 
conducting that, made himself acquainted with the composing, press, 
mailing and other departments. 

Mr. McLean was among the lirst of large employers of labor to rec- 
ognize workingmen's unions, and in every department of his plant none 
but members of such organizations are hired. Mr. McLean is an en- 
thusiastic humanitarian and philanthropist, with a ^eimine sympathy 
for those who cannot help themselves and a hearty dislike for those 
who can help themselves but who will not. 

In 1898 Mr. .McLean was nominated for dovernor of his State on the 
Democratic ticket, but after a heated contest was defeated. Of late 
years he has made his home in Washington. 

jonx R. MCLEAN 



Carter H. Harrison, mayor of Chicago, was born April 30, 1860, in 
Chicago, Illinois. When he was thirteen years of age he and the other 
Harrison children went with their mother to Germany, where Carter 
and his brother entered the Heidelberg Gymnasium. For some reason 
the boys did not fancy Heidelberg over much, and after ten months' 
stay there the family traveled for a summer through Southern France, 
the Tyrol and Switzerland, after which the boys entered the gymnasium 
at Altenburg. Young Harrison spent three years there, and upon his 
return to Chicago entered the Jesuit College of St. Ignatius, from which 
he graduated in ISM with honors. Thence he went to New Haven, 
where he took the course in the College of Law of Vale University and 
graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Laws. 

After a brief season of travel he came back to Chicago, and began 
the practice of law, having been admitted to the bar as soon as he 
arrived. From that time on he was his father's legal adviser. In 1888 
Mr. Harrison and his brother, William Preston Harrison, formed a part- 
nership in the real estate business, in which they continued until Carter 
II. Harrison, senior, bought the Chicago Times. He placed his sons in 
charge of it, and during their administration it was raised from a 
declining state to become one of the leading journals of America. After 
his father's shocking death at the hands of an assassin in 1893, Mr. 
Harrison went abroad with his family and spent many months in 
traveling over Europe, Asia and Africa. 

The public career of Mr. Harrison was resumed when, in the spring 
of 1897, he became a candidate for the mayoralty of Chicago, and was 
elected triumphantly as a Democrat, the second of his name to hold 
that high office. His term as Mayor was made noteworthy by the sturdy 
tight made by the public press and the people of Chicago against a 
succession of ordinances frankly denominated as "boodle" measures, 
in the interest of city franchise-holders. The struggle was carried into 
the State Legislature. In every effort the Mayor was recognized as the 
leader of the forces arrayed in the gen nine interests of the city, and 
his influence in the city council was powerful in saving the day. In 
recognition of his work he was re-elected in April, 1899, by a largely 
increased majority. Only his refusal to be a candidate could have pre- 
vented his nomination for the Governorship of Illinois by his party, 
and he has been prominently mentioned as a possible candidate for 
the Vice-Presidencv. 




. John P. Altgeld was born in Germany in 1847, and came to the 
United States with his parents while yet a child. Flis father settled on 
a farm near Mansfield, O., where young Altgeld spent the early part of 
his life. At the age of sixteen years he joined the Union army and 
served in the ranks for six months around Richmond. After the war 
he taught school for a number of terms in Ohio. On arriving at the 
age of twenty-one he determined to look for fortune and reputation in 
the West, so he left Ohio and traveled across the southern part of Il- 
linois on foot to St. Louis. When he reached that city he was without 
money. After a short stay in St. Louis, he concluded to push farther 
West and went to Southern Kansas, which at that, time was enjoying a 
boom. Shortly after Mr. Altgeld's arrival, the boom broke, and finding 
no opening he again moved. This time he settled in the northwestern 
part of Missouri, where he taught school and studied law at the same 
time. In 1872 he was admitted to the bar and was appointed City At- 
torney for Savanna. He was afterward elected State's Attorney for 
Andrews county. 

Feeling the need of a broader field, in 1S7."> Mr. Altgeld came to Chi- 
cago. He at once became interested in Clitics though he did not take 
an active part. As an attorney he rapidly built up a large practice. 
In 1884 he made his first appearance in politics, being nominated to Con- 
gress from the Fourth district. lie made an aggressive campaign but 
was defeated. Two years later he was nominated for a superior court 
judgeship. His candidacy was indorsed by the labor organizations and 
he was successful at the election by a large majority. 

In 1891 Judge Altgeld resigned his position on the bench, having 
made a notable success as a jurist, in order to attend to his private af- 
fairs which had grown to considerable magnitude. The next year, how- 
ever, he \vas nominated by the Democrats of Illinois as their candidate 
for governor, and was elected to that high office by a plurality of nearly 
23,000 over Joseph W. Fifer, his Republican opponent. He is remem- 
bered as one of the best governors Illinois ever had. Since his term as 
governor expired he has devoted himself to politics as a strong sup- 
porter of radical Democracy and is considered one of the ablest men in 
his party. 




William Goebel, late governor of Kentucky for the brief space of time 
that he lay upon his deathbed, after the assassin had struck him down, 
was born in Sullivan county, Penn., in 1858. His lather was a native of 
Hanover, Germany, and came to this country, where he pursued his trade 
of cabinetmaker. William was the eldest son and when a mere buy he 
removed with his parents and brothers to rovinuion. Kentucky. After 
receiving a good education, he made the friendship of Gov. .John \V. 
Stephenson, who took him into his law oHiee. In a few years he had 
shown such ability that Governor Stephenson took him as a law partner. 

After the death of Gov. Stephenson. Mr. Goebel became the partner 
in his law business of John G. < 'arlisle. and for several years he remained 
with this great Kentucky lawyer. The young man entered polities and 
in 1887 was sent to the State Senate as a Democrat to represent Kenton 
county, and served continuously as such until his nomination for gov- 
ernor in 1899. That was the only public oilier he ever held, except 
that he was a member of the constitutional convention, where he served 
with marked ability. He was a candidate for judge of the court of 
appeals in his district. In the Senate he soon became the leader of his 
party. In 1896, from which time dates particularly his prominence in 
State politics, he became a member of the Democratic State < 'ommiitee. 

The exciting senatorial election of IS'.MJ, when -I. < '. S. P.lackhurn 
failed of re-election, brought Mr-. Goebel out prominently as a director 
of political affairs. In a tight extending over two sessions Mr. Iilackhurn 
was defeated, a Republican being tinally elected; but Mr. Goebel dis- 
played astounding generalship throughout the contest. With Senator 
C. J. Bronston he managed the unseating of two Republican State sen- 
ators. So much excitement accompanied the IS'.MJ session that Gov. 
Bradley called out the State guard at the eapitol. Mr. Goebel was the 
author of several important State laws, notably ihe Goebel election law, 
upon which hinged the contention that aroused the most terrible political 
storm that ever broke over Kentucky, and finally ended in the assassina- 
tion of its originator. 

Under the provisions of the Goebel law the election of Taylor was 
declared invalid and Goebcl was declared successful. While the result- 
ing litigation and controversy was in progress at Frankfort, Taylor held 
the office by the aid of militia. ruder those circumstances came the 
assassination of Goebel, his deathbed inauguration and his death. 



The political party which met in Cincinnati and nominated as its 
candidate for the presidency the Hon. NVharton Barker of Philadelphia 
is proud of the name which it bears "The MkLdle-of-the-Road Popu- 
lists." They refuse compromise or fusion with any other party except 
that party comes over to the Populist principles and adopts 'hem as its 
own, in which event the recruits have a warm welcome. 

Mr. Barker is a rich Philadelphia hanker, and one of the rarities, a 
rich banker who is also a Populist and an enthusiastic silver man. A 
student of economic conditions and financial questions for many years, 
he has reached his conclusions by his logic and is firm in his convictions. 
He is not only a banker but an editor as well, having founded the Phila- 
delphia American, of which lie is still the head, in 1SSO. He is distin- 
guished as a st iident, writer, financier, and commercial diplomat. 

\Vharton P.arker was born in Philadelphia, .May 1, 1S4(, and at the 
age of twenty years graduated from the rniversity of Pennsylvania. 
While he was still in college in 18C3 he commanded a company of col- 
ored soldiers and helped to enlist and organize the Third United States 
Colored Regiment. Becoming a member of the banking firm of Barker 
Brothers & Co., he was appointed in 1>7>* financial agent in the United 
States of the Russian government and was entrusted with the building 
of four cruisers for the Russian navy. Alexander II. was so highly 
pleased with .Mr. Barker's work that he conferred upon him the Order of 
St. Stanislaus, an honor rarely given to a foreigner. A contract was 
oifered him by the Kmperor of Russia involving #15,000,000, to develop 
the iron resources of southern Russia, but the Czar died before the work 
was begun. In 1887 he secured valuable railroad, telephone and tele- 
graph concessions in China. 

Mr. Barker founded the Investment Company of Philadelphia and 
the Finance Company of Pennsylvania. The Penn Monthly, which he 
established in 1869 was afterwards merged into the Weekly American, 
which he still owns and edits. He was a prominent Republican until 
1896, being a warm supporter of Presidents (lai-field and Harrison, but 
left that party in 1896 on the silver issue. A member of many scientific 
and educational societies, author of standard works on finance and coin- 
age and student of affairs, Mr. Barker is one of the best types of the 
active American gentleman. 



Ignatius Donnelly, orator, statesman and litterateur, was born in 
Philadelphia, November 4, 1831. Removing westward, he settled in 
Minnesota, where he became a well and honorably known influential 
citizen of the State. lie has long been connected with its public and 
private affairs, his political record showing him capable of filling the 
highest positions. Formerly a Republican, he drifted into the Demo- 
cratic ranks, and finally associated himself with the Farmers' Alliance. 
During the Civil war he was Governor of Minnesota, and later was 
Lieutenant-Governor for four years. He served in the State Senate for 
five years, and afterward represented his district in the house of repre- 
sentatives for six years. 

Mr. Donnelly has made himself famous in connection with the Bacou- 
Shakespeare controversy, being an enthusiastic advocate of the Bacon- 
ian theory. The doubt raised some forty years ago with respect to the 
authorship of the Shakesperian plays and the belief that these are the 
productions of Lord Bacon, have both been thoroughly treated. More 
than one hundred books and pamphlets denying the authorship of 
Shakespeare have already been published. Therefore it is an arduous 
task for any one to make any new literary discoveries in regard to the 
matter, as Mr. Donnelly has done, claiming to have found the mystic 
cipher which settles the question of authorship. By this remarkable 
cipher he declares that the plays contain I.acon's dire- t statement that. 
he wrote them. Mr. Donnelly's work attracted wide attention, but few 
Shakespearean critics accepted the conclusions of it except those who 
were already adherents of the theory, lie is the author of other notable 
books of high literary quality. "Atlantis" and "Kagnarok," a tale of 
the age of fire, being the most famous. "The Golden Hattle," a more 
recent work, is a result of his political views, and tells in the form of 
fiction something of the theories of its writer. 

In 1892 Governor Donnelly was named by the People's party as their 
candidate for the Presidency. In 1900 he was nominated at Cincinnati 
as the candidate for the Vice-Presidency by the party popularly known 
as the "Middle-of-thc-Koad Populists," those objecting to fusion with 
the Democrats, Wharton Barker of Philadelphia being the nominee 
for the Presidency on the same ticket. 



William Vincent Allen, of Madison, was born in Midway, Madison 
county, Ohio, January 28, 1847. In 185(5 lie removed with his family to 
Iowa, and at the age of fifteen years enlisted with Company <1, Thirty 
second Iowa Infantry, in the war of the rebellion. He carried a musket 
for three years, the last five months of his service being on the staff of 
General James I. Gilbert. He was educated in the common schools of 
Iowa and attended the rpper Iowa University at r'ayetie for a time, but 
did not graduate. He studied law with L. L. A ins worth of West Union, 
Iowa, and was admitted to the bar May 31, 18(5!). He practiced law in 
Iowa until 1884, when he removed to Nebraska. 

Senator Allen's conversion to the Populist view of politics occurred 
during the campaign of 1890, and since that time h<- has heen enthusiastic 
and constant in the advocacy of the party's principles. In the fall of 
1891 he was nominated by the Populists for Judge of the Ninth Judicial 
district and was elected. He was permanent president of the NYluaska 
Populist State convention in 1892 and was elected I'uited States Senator 
to succeed Algernon Sidm-v Paddock, l-Ybruary 7, 1S93, for the full term 
of six years, beginning March 4, 1893. Previous to his going over to the 
Populists he was an enthusiastic Republican, and was a member of the 
State convention of 1890. He took an earnest and active part in that 
famous campaign, stumping the State for his party ticket and doing 
splendid work for it. 

Judge Allen is an enthusiastic dram! Army man, and on every pos- 
sible occasion gives evidence of his love for the old soldiers, taking 
prominent part in the State and district encampments. He is a giant in 
stature and it is said his mental caliber is consistent with his physical 
make-up. Judge Allen is an enthusiastic believer in the doctrines of tli' 
People's party and an uncompromising advocate of the State ownership 
and control of railroads, telegraph lines and all means of transportation 
and communication. He is an out and out free-trader and an advocate 
of the free and unlimited coinage of silver. In the campaign of ism; h." 
was one of the most effective and earnest of Mr. IJvyan's supporters, and 
he never spares his energies in support of his '-. "iciples. 




The history of the Democracy is the history of the Republic. It 
had its origin as soon after the formation of the thirteen colonies as 
the people came to a realization of their rights as individuals. Mr. 
Jefferson, the founder of the party, came from aristocratic surround- 
ings, but his sympathies from the beginning were with the "common 
people." His brain conceived and his hand wrote the Declaration of 
Independence, altogether the most notable document of its kind that 
ever came from human hands. Prof. Moses Coit Tyler, who has made 
the most careful examination of the literature of that period, says in 
his History of American Literature that this product from the pen of the 
first great Democrat has been more extensively quoted in all languages 
and in all races than any other. It has been the universal voice for 
all peoples asserting their independence against the oppression of an 
alien race. In South America, in Greece, in the far East, it has been 
quoted word for word. Americans accustomed to the cheap oratory of 
"patriot" declaimers are apt to forget the significance of this fact, which, 
however, remains as the most splendid instance of American patriotic 
literature, never to be forgotten ; never to be belittled. 

It has been remarked of Mr. Jefferson, and truly, that while other 
charters of liberty proclaim the liberties of a single people, his great 
pronouncement deals with the liberties of the human race. We find an 
explanation of this in the fact that for several years after he wrote the 
Declaration of Independence Mr. Jefferson lived in Paris, in the im- 
mediate vortex of the great events which constituted the French Revo- 
lution. There he was an immediate witness of those facts which 
Thomas Carlyle has made immortal in his History. Other patriots have- 
dealt with the rights of their own people. "We declare," says Mr. 
Jefferson, "the equality of all mankind." That was his theme. It was 
that which alienated him from the people of his own class and placed 
him upon the pedestal belonging exclusively to the great champions of 
human liberty the world over. De Tocqueville said, thirty years after 



Mr. Jefferson's death: "The people of this Republic will maintain the 
full dignity of their institutions so long as they preserve the ideals 
which their founders have established." The French statesman, like' 
the Virginian, was an aristocrat by birth, but he had learned by the 
study of human history, as Jefferson had learned, that all men were 
created equal. He was quick to perceive that this was the basic fact of 
the then new republic. 

-Jefferson was the champion of the Democracy. The fact and the 
word come down to us in these times as truisms, but as it has been re- 
marked the truths of one age become the truisms of the next. Thomas 
Jefferson belonged to the race of men which creates truism. Democracy, 
etymologically as well as historically, means the government of the 
people demos and krateo. Such a meaning necessarily implies a di- 
vision of society into classes, cadi with a sort of stability. ' The sov- 
ereignty originally resided in one of these classes, which naturally was 
a select class of the rich and favored. Jefferson was one of the first to 
grasp the fact that this sovereignty which had been arrogated to the 
few belonged of right to the many. He was ami always will be remem- 
bered as the champion of the people. 11 is favorite maxim was, "I 
trust the common people; their judgment is never in error in respect of 
principles involving their own rights." It is well in the light of recent 
events to remember that this great statement of human riglus was in 
all cases and at all stages of his momentous career recalled with pleas- 
ure by the President who assisted at the foundation of the Republican 
party but from whose tenets the party has so far departed Abraham 

The Democracy of modern times has not and could not have the same 
meaning as that of antiquity. But it is none the less true that the 
very notion of Democracy differs profoundly from that which the an- 
cients formed of it and that it no longer responds to the same ideas 
or expresses exactly the same facts. It may be said without irreverence 
that the Christ was the first democrat of history. Modern nations were 
formed under the influence of his teachings and man, according to the 
conception which has prevailed for nearly twenty centuries, has been 
following, blindly it may be, but none the less implicitly, the doctrines 
which He pronounced as the foundation of the new era. According to 
Christianity, it is man as such that has the greatest value. 

This is the fundamental of the democratic doctrine. All the children 


of God, the entire brotherhood of man, belong to the same family and 
have equal rights. These doctrines which we now accept as truisms 
were considered anarchical, heretical one hundred years ago. It re- 
quired the moral courage of a Montesquieu or a Voltaire, or a Paine or a 
Jefferson to declare them in the fervid light which was evoked by the 
events of the last century. 

These general principles found full scope for their application to 
the immediate affairs of human kind amidst the events that signalized 
the foundation of the republic. There was no differentiation of 
parties, as we know them, until after the thirteen colonies had separated 
themselves from the parent monarchy. It was then that the wise hand 
and great brain of the founder of the Democratic party came to the front 
to shape the Declaration of the new republic. The distinction be- 
tween Whig and Tory had previously been well defined in the Old Coun- 
try. On this side of the Atlantic it soon took shape as a line of demar- 
cation between those who adhered to the old theory of monarchical gov- 
ernment and Ihe new doctrine of popular rights and popular govern- 
ment. Mr. Jefferson, whom it is the happy heritage of the democracy to 
have followed in all his pronouncements upon this great subject, was 
one of the first to outline the principles of the democracy. One says 
"new democracy" with something like reverence for the daring, the 
mental audacity of the man who in that environment was strong enough 
to stand forth and proclaim the rights of the "common people." Ac- 
cording to the pronouncements of Lord North and the Tories of King 
George III, who at that time represented the consensus of aristocratic 
opinion, the common people had no rights and it remained for Jef- 
ferson and his associates to assert them ; at what a cost to their social 
and political position we can only imagine. 

It is perhaps sufficient for this purpose to record that Mr. Jefferson's 
most notable pronouncement in 1776 was the occasion of a universal 
reversion from the accepted ideas of that time to those which we now 
receive as the fundamentals of our liberties. The Tory party has be- 
come a historical reminiscence. It was abolished at the close of the 
War of the Revolution when the triumphant Whigs confiscated the 
estates of its more active members and compelled them to leave the 
boundaries of the colonies. Some of them found refuge in Europe, but 
not a few crossed the northern line into the loyal Dominion of Canada 
and there some of their descendants are to be found to this day foment- 


ing the cause of monarchy ami with the assist an. < of Mr. McKinley's 
Secretary of State maintaining even at this late date the rights of the 
select few as against the rights of the democracy. These are among 
the sequences of history to which the philosopher turns with instruction 
and sometimes with amusement. 

Mr. Jefferson was in Kurope when the confederacy was formed !.<- 
tween the thirteen colonies. As has been >aid, he was at this critical 
period of his life assoriated with the great champions of human liberty 
who have given to the world the immortal document of that period. 
The value of these lessons is to be seen in his later works. 

But before the end of the year 177U most of the colonies, now tin- 
states, had settled their forms of individual government. It is one of 
the truisms of American constitutional history, which, ho\ve\er, can 
not be too often reiterated, that the fundamental principle of this con- 
federation consisted in this single fact : that such rights as are expressly 
given to the Federal < Jovernment are its own and that all of hers In-long 
as a matter of course to the individual states. Tin- Supreme Court has 
now ami again reasserted this important principle, but Americans. 
pecially in the present tide of federalist ic tendencies, are too apt to for- 
get it, and to arrogate to the central power at Washington functions 
which the founders of the Republic expressly reserve to themselves as 
members of the constitutional colon!' tatefl, If th<' (iovernor of 

Idaho had recalled this faci ; if he and his associates in the mad rush 
of federalists- assertion which he maintained during the affairs at the 
Coeur d'Alene had remembered the fundamentals <( American liberty 
as they were asserted by the founders of the Republic it is scarcely to be 
believed that such outrages as have been recently perpetrated in that 
far-away Western State could have found the justification which he has 
since had the temerity to put forward in the name of law and the con- 
stitution. It is scarcely possible to believe that if the President of 
the United States had been mindful of those precepts of libeity upon 
which his office was based, he would have given the name ami authority 
of his great office to these same outrages. It is always safe, but it is 
seldom convenient, for the a post les of the new imperialism to hark back 
to the familiar but always true doctrines upon which the Republic was 

This is not a history of the Democracy. That < -hapter in the record 
of our liberty is to be found only upon the pages which record the peren- 


nial, the unceasing and the undaunted struggle of the common people 
against those who from the beginning have sought to abridge their lib- 
erty and restrain their powers. It is perhaps enough even to glance 
at the period during which these high principles were established upon 
their present high pedestal. Americans of this generation look back 
with amazement to the time when such respectable and respected leaders 
as Hamilton and Quincy Adams asserted their distrust in the wisdom 
and discretion of the common people. That was the basis of the Fed- 
eralistic policy. Hamilton did not hesitate to assert it. Himself of 
doubtful foreign origin, born and perhaps bred in the atmosphere of 
monarchy, he was bold and unreserved in his assertions that no safety 
was to be found in the consensus of public opinion. Like Jefferson he 
had studied the Revolution of France. But unlike the founder of the 
Democracy, he had failed to derive therefrom the principles upon which 
we have since reared the fabric of our liberty. There arose, and es- 
pecially in the select colonies upon the James river, and in New Eng- 
land, a coterie of men undoubtedly honest, though as we see them now, 
undoubtedly wrong, who felt and said that government was a function 
belonging to the few, the educated, the rich, the aristocratic, the con- 
servative, the select. 

It was against this class that Jefferson, himself a member, fought 
the great battles of his life. He never doubted and he never permitted 
others to doubt the supreme wisdom and the supreme authority of the 
"common people." 

This doctrine was bequeathed in its entirety upon his death to that 
other great champion of the Democracy, Andrew Jackson, who came 
into his heritage as the leader of the people in the first quarter of the 
present century. 

Mr. Jackson was maligned with the same fervor of hatred and the 
same indiscriminating denunciation that has more recently been visited 
upon a more recent champion of the Democracy who is now placed be- 
fore the people as their champion against the assertions of the aristo- 
cratic class. Mr. Jackson, like Mr. Bryan, was a child of the people. 
He came of respectable but not of aristocratic parentage. The tra- 
ditions of his family, like those of "Old Hickory" himself, were pious 
but not puritanical. Early in his life he found himself arraigned 
against the select few. His sympathies were on the other side. He was 
and is forever remembered as the friend of the people. 


When he took his stand against the national bank and all the privi- 
leges which that institution entailed, he was denounced, as Mr. Bryan 
has been denounced, as an anarchist, a theorist and a "crank." Such 
has ever been the refuge of the plutocracy when oppressed with Hie exi- 
igency of unanswerable argument. Such were the pleas arraigned 
against Lincoln in his time Lincoln the rail-splitter, Lincoln the "com- 
mon man," Lincoln the representative of the "plain people," Lincoln tin- 
democrat. They have no greater force, and no less, against Mr. Bryan 
in the full tide of his young manhood than they had against the splen- 
did democracy of Lincoln in 1860 or of Andrew Jackson the hobnailed 
Tennesseean of two generations ago. 

All three stand out in history and are to be remembered in this con- 
nection for this single fact, that they dared to defy select opinion and to 
renounce time-honored traditions; to embrace at once the infamy and 
the glory of bring the champions of the people. 

The difference between the two sections of our population were well 
defined by Jefferson in his time and his definition may be accepted in 
its full force at this day. JelTerson asserted of the public debt in his 
time "That the public owed it and the North owned it." In this funda- 
mental may be found the basis of the present difference betw r een the 
two classes. 

The Democracy held undisputed sway in the government almost 
without interruption until the outbreak of the Civil War. That strug- 
gle was another conflict between the masses and the classes in which 
the South by reason of its traditional aililiations for State supremacy 
was found upon the losing side. The South lost. But its loss wa* 
more than redeemed by the events which gave to the history of the Re- 
public that great figure now falsely claimed by the Republican party 
as its own, who stands and must forever stand in the front rank of the 
great proponents of Democracy Abraham Lincoln. 

Only a fanatic devotee of the new imperialism will make bold to as- 
sert that (his man, himself of the common people and by e\ery act and 
every word of his great career a champion of their rights, is identified by 
word or deed with the party which now holds the reins of power 
and which dares to assert the supremacy of the few over the many. Mr. 
Lincoln was a great Democrat. lie was a Democrat in the same sense 
that has given that distinction to Jefferson and to Jackson. His pub- 
lic career, one of the greatest in the records of our Republic, rested in its 


supremacy upon the assertion that the people are the only and original 
torce from which government is derived. Himself a product of the 
meanest conditions, he arose early in his public life to a full appreciation 
of the supreme doctrine that there is no law except that which the peo- 
ple decree. His homely sayings, now familiarly quoted by all lovers of 
popular government, all tend in this direction. It is perhaps the great- 
est heresy of our times that these sayings so right, so pregnant of the 
principles of Democracy, should be cited by the degenerate sons of his 
party in defense of their undemocratic, their federalistic, their aristo- 
cratic breaches of the constitution. These sayings, like their great 
author, belong to the Democratic party. 

The forty years following Mr. Lincoln's death need no characteriza- 
tion here. They have constituted from their inception a carnival of 
crime, perpetrated in the name of liberty against the liberties of the 
American people. In that unhappy struggle which arrayed the States 
against each other was born the spirit of imperialism, and imperialism 
begot the new plutocracy. The fever of false patriotism succeeding the 
surrender at Appomattox has been the excuse for more crimes against 
the constitution than ever were perpetrated in any period of our history 
or, God willing, ever will be perpetrated again. A quarter of a cen- 
tury ago, this riot of lawlessness reached its climax in the crime which 
unseated a President, chosen by an indignant people in protest against 
the lawlessness of that time. To this high-handed act the Democracy, 
ever careful of the law and the forms of law, submitted rather than pro- 
voked a fresh struggle. -But the sense of that outrage has survived unto 
the present time. It was keenly alive four years ago when the or- 
ganized forces of plutocracy again came to the front to thwart the will 
of the people. 

This was a critical time for American liberty. The Democracy 
found itself arrayed not only against its open foes, but against the more 
insidious but not less dangerous traitors within its own house. Twenty 
years of shameless equivocation upon the all-important doctrine of the 
currency had sufficed to align the American people on one or the other 
side of this great question: Whether the people should own and con- 
trol their own money, or delegate that great function to a small but ar- 
rogant coterie of bankers. This is the so-called "silver question" of 
1.896. It had this significant effect: It drove from the ranks of the 
Democracy all its false friends. It made the plutocrats, the monopolists 


and the friends of monopoly avow themselves for what they were. It 
also gave to the American people the regenerated Democracy of which 
Mr. Bryan was then and is still the head. It rallied to the standards 
of popular liberty all those who hated and still hate class legislation, 
favoritism in government and the discrimination of the law in favor of 
the few against the many. 

One does not hesitate to reiterate these familiar terms because they 
are the original and fundamental precepts of our governmental exis- 
tence. They cannot be repeated too often. They find their expression 
in the platform of the party which convened at Kansas City in July. 
Their antithesis is asserted with cynical frankness in the declaration 
which brazenly chose Philadelphia as the place for the convention of 
the plutocratic forces. 

The Democracy has never hesitated and it does not now hesitate to 
come before the people upon such an issue. Now as in Jefferson's time, 
as in the time of Jackson, as in the time of Lincoln, it is the many 
against the few, the "plain people" against the plutocracy. The issue 
cannot be in doubt. 



The war with Spain created a new issue of paramount importance to 
the liberties of the people and the integrity of the republic. 

That conflict, begun upon the pretext of relieving the patriots of Cuba 
from Spanish oppression, long ago degenerated into an effort to continue 
Spanish oppression against the patriots of the Philippines. 

This change of front has been accomplished with startling rapidity. 
The condition of Cuba four years ago was such as to move the sympathy 
of all humane people, and the Chicago platform voiced this sentiment 
when it said : 

"We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic strug- 
gle for liberty and independence." 

No other sentiment was then entertained within the republic. The 
declaration of war against Spain was adopted by the Congress, April 18, 
1898. It set forth the policy of this government at that time in these 
words : 

"First, that the people of the Island of Cuba, are and of right ought 
to be free and independent. 

"Second, that it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the 
government of the United States does hereby demand, that the govern- 
ment of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the 
Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and 
Cuban waters. 

"Third, that the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, 
directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the 
United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the 
militia of the several States to such extent as may be necessary to carry 
these resolutions into effect. 

"Fourth, that the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or 
intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said 
islands, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, 
when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the 
island to its people." 



This resolution clearly and forcibly expresses the principle of the 
Declaration of Independence: "These united colonies," declared the 
fathers of the republic, "are and of right ought to be free and independent 
States." "The people of the island of Cuba," the Congress declared, "are 
and of right ought to be free and independent." 

This declaration of war, moreover, demands that the Cubans shall be 
free and govern themselves on the ground of right, exactly as the fathers 
demanded freedom for the people of these United States. In these re- 
spects the attitude of our government towards Spain at the opening of 
hostilities was unique in the history uf \vnr. Under the old regime it had 
been the practice to wage war either for or against aggression without re- 
gard to principle involved. It well became the great republic of the wot 
to rise to a higher plane, and to take up arms, if needs must, solely for 
"humanity's sake." 

This was the spirit of President McKinley's message to the Congress 
delivered in April, 1898, in which lie explicitly defined the position of this 
government in the war in these words 3 

"In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, blood- 
shed, starvation and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the 
parties to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or litigate." 

As lately as October, 1898, at the Peace Jubilee at Chicago, President 
McKinley, the war being then at an end, said: 

"The war with Spain was undertaken, not that the United States 
should increase its territory, but that the oppression at our doors should 
be stopped. This noble sentiment must continue to animate us, and we 
must give to the world a full demonstration of the sincerity of our pur- 

In his message to Congress of December 6, 1897, the President had 
said even more forcibly: "Of the untried measures there remain only 
recognition of the insurgents as belligerents, recognition of the inde- 
pendence of Cuba, neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a 
rational compromise between the contestants. I speak not or forcible 
annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That by our code of morality 
would be criminal aggression." 

The code of morality of which the President speaks is happily well 
defined in the authentic documents recording the history of liberty and 
self-government in this republic. In the Declaration of Independence it 
is written that : "Governments derive their just powers from the consent 


of the governed," and that these United States "have full power 10 do all 
acts and things which independent States may of right do." 

President McKinley thus in his own words framed an indictment 
of the subsequent policy of his administration. His entire course has 
been one of "criminal aggression," not only against the late subjects of 
Spain, but against the American people, their liberties and their best tra- 
ditions. The Democracy holds the latter to be by far the greater offense. 

Having won an easy victory at arms over a decrepit monarchy, the 
administration, at the commission in Paris, concluded a bargain whereby 
this nation acquired Spain's rotten title to her island possessions. Porto 
Kico, which had offered no resistance to our arms, gladly came to our 
standard, confiding in our explicit promises of full fellowship in the re- 
public. Cuba became an unwilling McKinley satrapy, and so remains, 
upon terms which bode no good for the Cuban liberties in whose interest 
the war was avowedly undertaken. 

The Paris bargain was, and is, utterly hateful to the people of the 
United States. The Democracy believes that Spain had no valid title to 
the Philippines. The people of those islands whose intelligence, bravery 
and patriotism had enabled them for centuries to resist Spanish aggres- 
sion, stood at the outset of our war in a position entirely analogous to 
that of the American colonists when they declared their independence of 
England. If at that juncture France, for example, had paid to Great 
Britain twenty million dollars for the British interests in the colonies, 
the title passed would have been of equal value with our title to the 
Philippines and no more. And the treatment of the invaders under 
such nefarious bargain by the fathers of this republic would have been 
exactly that which the "little brown men" in the far East have accorded 
to our armies. They are fighting as the Eevolutionary fathers would 
have fought, to the death, to extermination, rather than acquiesce in the 
barter of their liberty. 

Yet it is in defense of this shameless bargain that the armies of the 
United States have been waging a costly war for eighteen months. Even 
now, after vast expenditure of blood and treasure, there is no prospect of 
an end. The American people long since ceased to give credence to the 
inspired reports of administration agents that the "war is over," "all re- 
sistance is at an end." Another rainy season impends, bringing with it 
another indefinite postponement of peace. There is no reason to doubt 


that under the present policy these eighteen months might be extended to 
as many years. 

The Democratic party holds this whole conflict to have been useless, 
cruel and inexpressibly wicked; undertaken without lawful excuse, in 
defiance of the express promises of the President, not to employ our arms 
for the criminal extension of our territory; in contravention of all the 
precepts upon which the liberties of the American people rest. 

The Democracy believes, moreover, that whatever may have been the 
motives of the administration at the beginning of the war, they have now 
sunk to the level of a deliberate and consistent effort to set might above 
right, not only in the Philippines, but in the United States as well ; to 
fasten upon the republic a large and increasing standing army, enlisted 
in the unholy cause of subjecting the common people and holding tkem 
in subjection to the organized forces of capitalism and its twin evil, im- 

And herein, beyond a doubt, the Democracy has the entire sympa tin- 
am! support of many thousands of virtuous and intelligent citizens 
hitherto loyal to the President and his party. Some of the most eloquent 
denunciations of the imperialistic policy have come from the lips of Re- 
publican leaders of approved standing in Republican councils. Some of 
these, like the venerable Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, assisted the 
foundation of their party and have measured their loyalty to its interests 
by lifelong devotion. Yet it was Senator Hoar who wrote in a recent 
letter to the Hon. George F. Edmunds, a former senator in Congress, also 
a Republican of the highest standing: 

"If we had dealt with the people of the Philippine Islands as we un- 
dertook to deal with the people of Cuba, who we declared and they cer- 
tainly had no better title of right ought to be free and independent; if 
instead of undertaking to butt them and then undertaking to subject them 
by force, we had assured them of our purpose to resjieet their rights: 
to protect them against foreign interference; to aid them to restore order 
and to leave them whenever they should desire to the blessing of freedom 
and self-government we should have had no war; we should have had no 
loss of life; we should have had no large expenditure of money; we should 
not have trampled on the doctrines upon which our institutions are 
founded; we should not have contradicted the pledges of our fathers; 
we should not have dishonored our own great history; we should not have 
incurred the undying hatred of the people of the Philippine Islands; we 


should have received from their gratitude everything in the way of com- 
mercial advantage, of military or naval station that their gratitude could 
bestow ; we should have the glory with ^Y.hich the glory of no other coun- 
try in history would be compared of being the great liberator in both 

Similar sentiments Senator Hoar has more than once expressed with 
equal force upon the floor of the United States Senate. True, the Senator 
saw fit since to surrender his convictions to what in an excess of party 
loyalty he is pleased to regard as a "'higher necessity;" but the majority of 
his party associates who share his opinions on imperialism have no high 
official position at stake and will vote as they think. A former United 
States senator, hitherto of equal loyalty to the party of McKinley and 
Hoar, has lately canvassed the opinions of his associates on the subject 
of the President's Philippine policy and makes this interesting report : 

"The anti-imperialists are not thoroughly organized as a distinctive 
political party as yet. They have had some hope that the Republicans 
would consent to abandon the policy of imperialism and that the newly 
acquired territories would be treated as territories had been treated by 
us for the past hundred years. They believe that such a policy would not 
have been attended with that disgraceful war now pending in the Philip- 
pines. They conscientiously th'ink that Mr. McKinley's unfortunate 
proclamation of December, 1898, taking forcible military possession of 
the entire islands four months before the ratification of the treaty with 
Spain, and four months before any lawful justification for such action, 
was the original and prime cause of a war which has already dragged 
along its cruel, heartless and bloody course for fifteen months. 

"If the opponents of this wretched policy could see a probable termi- 
nation of this useless, but costly strife, costly in treasure, in human life, 
in national honor and in public and private morals, I am sure they would 
be glad to retain their old party associations. Of this, it must be re- 
gretted, there is but little present hope. If the past two years of vicious 
policies had not already passed into history, it is quite likely that history's 
page would be far more creditable, more profitable and more honorable to 
our cherished nation. If these years had to be lived again, the Philippine 
war would not exist, leaving as it does the stain of ambition, aggression, 
avarice, greed, ingratitude, treachery, cruelty and despotism." 

The Anti-Imperialist League, a numerous non-partisan organization 
embracing in its membership many of the most learned, most patriotic 


and bravest of our citizens, has sprung out of this popular protest against 
the imperialistic policy of the administration. At a national conference 
held at Chicago in October, 1899, the League formulated an address to 
the American people, which may be quoted in part in this connection, if 
only because it is a reasonable embodiment of the sentiments which the 
Democracy has entertained upon this subject from the beginning : 

"We regret," the League declares, "that it has become necessary in 
the land of Washington and Lincoln, to reaffirm that all men of what- 
ever race or color, are entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- 
ness. * * * We insist that the subjugation of any people is 'crimi- 
nal aggression,' and open disloyalty to the principles of our government. 
We deplore the sacrifice of our soldiers and sailors, whose bravery de- 
serves admiration, even in an unjust war. We denounce the slaughter of 
the Filipinos as a needless horror. We demand the immediate cessation 
of the war against liberty begun by Spain and continued by us. * * * 
The United States has always protested against the doctrine which per- 
mits the subjugation of the weak by the strong. A self-governing state 
cannot accept sovereignty over an unwilling people. The United States 
cannot act upon the ancient heresy which makes might right. * * * 
Much as we abhor the war of criminal airurcssion in the Philippines, 
greatly as Ave regret that the blood of the Filipinos is on American hands, 
we more deeply resent the betrayal of American institutions at home. 
The real firing line is not in the suburbs of Manila, The enemy is of our 
own household. The attempt of 1899 is to destroy its fundamental prin- 
ciples and noblest ideals. Whether the ruthless slaughter of the Fili- 
pinos shall end next month or next year is but an incident in a contest 
that must go on until the Declaration of Independence and Constitution 
of the United States are rescued from the hands of their betraj-ers." 

And the address concludes with this significant intimation as to the 
future political attitude of all those who share the Democratic belief that 
the McKinley administration is irrevocably committed to imperialism 
and "criminal aggression :" 

"We purpose to contribute to the defeat of any person or party that 
stands for the forcible subjugation of any people. We shall oppose for 
re-election all who in the White House, or in Congress, betray American 
liberty in pursuit of un-American ends. 

The manner in which the war has been conducted gives color to all 
these apprehensions on the part of conscientious Republicans, and fully 


justifies all the indictments which the Democracy has framed against that 
unholy struggle. From the beginning, intimidation, force and fraud 
have been the key notes of the administration policy. The ratification of 
the treaty with Spain in the United States Senate was procured only by 
threats and misrepresentations proceeding from the White House itself. 
But four months before that act was consummated the administration 
showed the cloven hoof of imperialism when the President, by official 
proclamation and in defiance of all the equities involved, declared the 
sovereignty of the United States to extend over the entire territory of the 
Philippine Islands. By that time, there is no reason to doubt, the ad- 
ministration had received instructions from the same source upon which 
its managers drew so heavily for financial support in the campaign of 
1896. Wall street, for its own purposes, demanded a war, and the de- 
mands of Wall street were not to be ignored. 

The indignant protests which this act evoked from the more thought- 
ful members of the administration party and from the whole body of the 
Democracy, are still remembered. Nor is it forgotten in what manner 
these protests were met by a government already far advanced in its head- 
long career after imperialistic power. Patriots who dared to raise their 
voice in remonstrance against the employment of a United States army to 
subdue a free people upon their own soil, were branded as "copperheads" 
and "traitors," and subjected to the unstinted abuse of a complacent ad- 
ministration press. The sanctity of the mail was violated to stop the 
current of patriot literature and to intercept the protests and just com- 
plaints sent to and from our deceived and discontented soldiers in the 
Philippines. No such misuse of the executive function had ever before 
occurred in the republic. Yet as we have since seen, this was but the be- 
ginning of the administration's deliberate policy to suppress the freedom 
of speech whenever it conflicted with the interests of capitalism and im- 

On the immediate scene of the war in the Philippines a ruthless cen- 
sorship has been maintained over the newspaper correspondents with 
scarcely a pretense that this policy of repression was not in the interests 
of the administration and the re-election of McKinley, rather than for 
military necessities. A correspondent of the Associated Press, who spent 
many months in the field, has given this testimony of his own and his col- 
leagues' experiences with a McKinley censor : 

"The entire American Press were made the organ of Otis. We were 


compelled to send nothing but the official news of all events and condi- 
tions, even when the official view controverted the opinion of the great 
mass of the officers in the field, and was a falsification of events which 
had passed before our eyes. In this way every fight became a glorious 
American victory, even though every one in the army knew it to have 
been substantially a failure, and we were drilled in the writing quite 
mechanically, wholly ridiculous estimates of the number of Filipinos 
killed, knowing that if we wrote any other description, our work would 
be wholly wasted." 

And the correspondent adds: 

"Gen. Otis did not contradict our statements that the purpose of the 
censorship was to keep facts from the public, but said that what we 
wanted was to have the people stirred up and make a sensation for the 
papers. We told him that he should be exceedingly grateful to the 
papers for handling the war so temperately. Davis and Bass told him 
they had personally seen our soldiers bayoneting wounded Filipinos and 
reminded him that the cutting off of the ears of two American soldiers 
at Das Marinas had been merely retaliation for similar mutilations of 
dead Filipinos by Americans. No one could possibly tell stronger stories 
of the looting and blackmailing by our soldiers than Ol is has told, though 
he charges them all to volunteers. * * * Recently I filed what I 
thought a most inoffensive statement, that the business men who had 
appeared before the commission had advocated the retention of the exist- 
ing silver system of currency. The censor said 'I ought not to let that 
go. That would be a lift for Bryan. My instructions are to shut off 
anything that would hurt McKinley's administration.' I explained the 
silver system here, and with seeming reluctance he O-K'd the item." 

Only a bad cause needed to be hedged about with such defenses 
against publicity. The administration at Washington has exhausted 
all the methods of militarism to shield its conduct from the popular eye, 
but, as always, the truth has finally come to light. From a mass of 
uncensored testimony as to the true condition of the Philippines, at this 
time, when the administration has officially declared the islands to be 
pacified, a letter from Mr. George Ade, mailed at Hong Kong, April 21, 
may be chosen to show how far duplicity lias gone to cover official 
incapacity and administrative baseness. Mr. Ade is an author and 
newspaper correspondent of the highest respectability. He spent a 
month in the Philippines, searching only for the truth. He says: 


"If the Philippine Islands are 'pacified,' then we must concede a new 
meaning to the word 'pacified.' A Tagalo who is dodging around in the 
jungle taking an occasional wild shot at you is not 'pacified.' He may be 
'rattled,' he may be afraid of you and lack the indiscreet courage to 
come out in the open and be killed in orthodox fashion, but as long as he 
has the gun and is animated by the desire to shoot you no, not 'pacified.' 

"There are about 240 garrisons in the Philippine Islands, each of 
which has succeeded in cowing the region bounded by its outposts. The 
natives behave themselves while they are in the immediate presence of 
American soldiers with loaded guns. But it is not advisable for any 
white man to wander beyond the outposts of a garrison, especially if he is 
unarmed. He is in danger of being shot from ambush or set upon and 
boloed. Any traveler who wishes to go from one garrison to another 
must be accompanied by a guard of soldiers. The railway from Manila 
to Dagupan is being operated, but there is a heavy garrison in every 
town and a night and a day guard at every bridge. Wagon and pack 
trains are fired on from ambush every day. 

"It is true that the insurgent armies have been scattered, that many 
of the leaders of the insurrection are now under surveillance in Manila, 
that Aguinaldo has been chased into a remote hiding place, and that the 
reorganization and mobilization of a large army seems practically impos- 
sible. On the other hand, it is true that the spirit of rebellion is still 
active and that the insurgents continue a pestering and plundering 
campaign in small bodies that cannot be trapped into battle. 

"In the official reports the insurgents who continue to harass the 
Americans are called robbers or 'ladrones.' The so-called 'ladrones' are 
simply the same old insurrectos, who are operating in small bodies 
because they have learned that they are not competent to fight on the 
European plan. They have become guerrillas that they may avoid being 
slaughtered and also make more trouble for the Americans. From 
their standpoint they have done a wise thing. From our point of view 
it would be much better if they would make a stand-up fight and die like 
civilized warriors. It would simplify matters. 

"There is much testimony to the effect that these small bands commit 
depredations on natives and Chinamen as well as on Americans, and that 
they prefer a roving life of brigandage to a quiet agricultural career in 
a nipa shack; but the fact remains that the primary object of their 
organization is to kill American soldiers and continue the struggle for 


Filipino independence. So you may call them 'ladrones,' robbers, ban- 
dits or anything else you choose, without materially changing their atti- 
tude toward American rule. 

"It is commonly believed in Manila that the Filipino republic retains 
an organization, necessarily sub-rosa in many sections, that taxes are 
still collected and that the operations of the guerrilla bands are directed 
by the leaders, who are now assembled in Manila, enjoying the leniency 
of the United States government. Nearly everyone to whom I spoke 
was frankly of the opinion that the Filipino leaders had come into 
Manila and put themselves on parole so as to get together for a con- 
ference and reorganization. No one believes that they have really 
chosen to accept American rule without further protest. 

"Although the present fighting is carried on by small bands, it does 
not follow, as most people at home seem to believe, that these bands 
are independent of each other and represent so many irresponsible pri- 
vate enterprises. Colonel Montenegro of the insurgent army, who sur- 
rendered and came into Manila the other day to renew old friendships, 
told me that Aguinaldo, before fleeing from Tarlac, reorganized his army 
into small companies and ordered a guerrilla warfare. 

"The most significant task tending to prove that the Filipinos are 
not in a peaceful mood is that the arms used in the insurrection have 
not been surrendered. It is estimated that the insurgents had a total 
of 22,000 rifles, most of them Mausers, with a few Springfiekls and 
Remingtons. Only 3,000 or 4,000 rifles have been captured or purchased. 
The government now pays 30 (Mexican) for every rifle turned in by a 
native. As a result of this liberal offer many old Remingtons and 
defective Springfields have been given up, but the natives have not yet 
begun to turn in the new Mausers with which they did their fighting. 
There must be about 18,000 rifles remaining in the hands of the insur- 
gents, and the Americans seem unable to buy them or capture them. 
It is only fair to conclude that the Filipinos are keeping these weapons 
because they expect to use them again. 

"Until there is a radical change in the temper of the Filipinos, the 
towns which are garrisoned will remain 'pacified' only so long as the 
garrisons remain. Until the leaders of the insurrection are put out of 
the business the plotting will continue and attacks will be ordered. 

"In answer to the question, 'How soon can peace be established?' 
the usual answer was, 'At least two or three years/ Certainly it will 


foe months and perhaps years before the United States will dare to with- 
draw its garrisons and intrust the territory to civil authorities and local 
sentiment. In many provinces there seems to be an improvement in 
conditions. The belligerents are returning to their homes and putting 
in crops, but the army is not disposed to trust these 'amigos.' 

"No doubt there are thousands of good people in the United States 
who are pained and provoked because the Filipinos have not perceived 
the lofty virtue of our intentions as a governing power and submitted to 
us gladly. But this presupposes that the Filipinos are acquainted with 
the spirit of our institutions and can figure from it that we are cruel 
only to be kind. The Filipino is no mind-reader. Of course we have 
told him that if he surrenders his arms and obeys our instructions it 
will be better for him in the long run, but, unfortunately, the Filipino 
is convinced that white men do not tell the truth. The natives regard 
every fair promise as some new trick to deceive them. In brief, the 
effort to coddle them has not been successful. 

"Have we any friends in the islands? Yes, the European business 
element in Manila and the other ports are in favor of American rule 
because they see in it the only hope of a stable government with protection 
for property interests. 

"If we have comparatively no friends among the natives the reasons 
are not hard to discover. Assuming that the Filipinos are incapable 
of self-government and that the United States really wishes to deal justly 
and humanely with them, there is still no denying that we permitted 
them to believe that they would be granted their independence, that 
later on we refused to consider their claims and that up to date we have 
killed about 15,000 of them. The only law we have given them up to date 
is martial law, which is always hateful. Whatever may be the facts as 
to the outbreak of February, 1899, the natives blame the Americans for 
the present war." 

The war in the Philippines need never to have been begun if the 
representatives of this government had been permitted to observe sacred 
obligations and to keep faith with Gen. Aguinaldo, our ally. So at any 
time the war could have been brought to an end if a man of force and 
character (like Admiral Dewey) had been upon the ground with author- 
ity to open peaceful negotiations with the native leaders for the estab- 
lishment of a Filipino republic under the protection of the United States. 

Such an arrangement would have secured to us all the advantages for 


which the imperialistic war is presumably being waged, and without 
incurring loss of life and treasure, without inculcating the poison of 
blood lust upon our citizen soldiery. An unjust war is always attended 
by a moral cost as great, if not greater, to the victor than to the van- 
quished. In the case of a republic, where the weapons of oppression are 
placed in the hands which have later to cast the ballot, this moral deterio- 
ration is beyond estimate in its power to weaken the fibre of the body 

The Democracy, having protested in vain at the door of the White 
House and in the halls of the Congress, now appeals in confidence to the 
people whose honor has been betrayed by their servants at Washington. 

At heart the American people of all parties are Democrats. They 
are not imperialists. They cling with devotion to the Declaration of 
Independence. They believe in government only by the consent of the 
governed. They do not believe in taxation without representation. The 
Democracy stands for this people. They have tolerated the war in the 
Philippines partly from pride in the gallantry of American arms, but 
chiefly because they accepted the facile assurances of the President that 
it was the purpose of the government to carry, not conquest to those 
distant islands, but the blessings of American liberty and a free gov- 

Never for a moment did the American people entertain the idea of a 
subject colony beyond the limits of this continent. Still less have they 
acquiesced in the prosecution of a ruthless war to that end against a 
people whose only offense has been to draw their swords in the defense 
of their homes. For such an offense the soldiers and hirelings of George 
III invaded the American colonies and were met and defeated by the 
founders of this republic. 

Even the thoughtful minority of those favored classes who set com- 
mercial success above the higher considerations of justice and equity, 
now admit that our material ends would better have been served by 
keeping within the path of honor and preserving faith with our Filipino 
allies. Ordinary prudence pointed the way in the beginning to secure 
the co-operation of that intrepid people in the establishment of a United 
States protectorate over a Filipino republic. Instead we have been 
made to rouse their hostility against the Spanish policy of conquest and 
oppression which the McKinley administration has continued and en- 
larged upon, 


If a naval station on the threshold of the Chinese market be a neces- 
sity to our new foreign commerce, it might have been secured with peace 
and honor, and without the outpouring of precious American blood which 
set in nearly two years ago and is still at full tide ; more important still, 
without the ruthless debauchery of the national honor. 

The prototype of the American imperialists is Cecil Khodes, the 
multi-millionaire autocrat of South Africa, who with brazen cynicism 
has described the flag of his country as a mere "commercial asset." The 
American concessionaires and corruptionists would make a commercial 
asset of the Stars and Stripes, which, until their arrival upon the scene, 
had always been the standard of liberty and equal rights for all men. 
The youthful senator from Indiana, in his dithyrambic apology for 
McKinleyism in the Philippines, admitted almost in terms that the 
Republican promises of good faith in those islands were but a cloak for 
schemes of commercial aggression. For this outburst of candor Mr. 
Beveridge was rebuked and insulted by his Republican colleagues, but 
neither the latter nor the President himself has repudiated Mr. Bever- 
idge's utterances, much less turned back upon the imperialistic course 
which he in his indiscretion laid bare. 

Nor were the Filipinos slow to perceive the force of these admissions. 
Senator Beveridge's speech, directly its echoes reached the islands, had 
the instant effect of strengthening the backbone of Filipino resistance. 
The "little brown" patriots lacked neither the intelligence to perceive 
nor the patriotism to resist the onset of commercial oppression thus 
indiscreetly avowed. They recognized the oppressor, though he came 
wearing the garb of hypocrisy. 

Even by the degraded standard of the new commercialism, the Fili- 
pino war has been an abominable failure. Corporations and trustmen, 
who look to make those distant islands what they have already made 
of Cuba and Porto Rico, as a preserve for valuable concessions, regard 
with complacency the prospect of parceling among themselves a terri- 
tory supposedly rich in natural resources and of fattening in perpetuity 
on the fruits of unlimited cheap "nigger" labor. But such a prospect 
has no charms for the common people who are to have no share in this 
loot. Concessions in the "new colonies" are for multi-millionaires who 
can purchase them by contributing to a presidential campaign fund to 
be raised to defeat the will of the people. The people are allowed, first, 


to furnish food for bullets in battle and then to contribute of the fruits 
of their toil to pay the cost of the war. 

Nor do the people look with pleasure upon the prospect of competing 
in the labor market with ten million Asiatic fellow "subject citizens." 
Only the tariff-fed beneficiary of a paternal government can hope to 
derive pleasure or profit from such an addition to our population. 

A rational policy, guided by a sincere desire to benefit all the people, 
would have seen in the early stages of the Philippine situation an oppor- 
tunity to conciliate the native population and make them useful to our 
success, rather than embitter them against us by the bombardment of 
their churches and cities and the slaughter of their friends and brothers, 
We have yet to find, if the present policy be continued at Washington, 
that a cowed and broken people are neither enterprising producers nor 
profitable consumers. We shall not pluck commercial success out of an 
unjust war, whatever success may seem to attend our arras. The ex- 
perience of Great Britain, to which the McKinley administration is so 
fond of appealing, might have taught us that the cost of administering 
over a subject people, is never equaled by the revenues which they yield 
to their conquerors. Only the favored few, aided by special privileges 
and discriminations, reap a golden harvest from such a field. 

These plain precepts the party in power has ignored or outraged. 
How long the consequences of its criminal folly are to endure remains 
to be seen. The shame of it can never pass. Certainly so long as the 
present policy is continued, no improvement is to be looked for, but 
rather an aggravation of present evils and the birth of new ones even 

The Democracy offers the only remedy available. It is the simple 
historic remedy of the party to restore the people to power, to drive 
the money changers from the temple of government to give effect to the 
popular demand that this unrighteous war shall cease by the motion of 
this government, that the pretenses of American sovereignty in the 
Philippines be abandoned, and that to the suffering patriots of that 
faraway land be restored their own. 

So much is due to those whom we have wronged; so much and more 
is due to ourselves; for if this republic could not exist "half free and 
half slave," neither can it continue half citizen and half vassal. Our 
Constitution forbids it and all history cries out against it. We have 
only to appeal from the McKinley of 1900 to the McKinley of 1800 f r 


fitting statement of the perils which impend. These words, from a 
speech delivered by the President, then a representative in Congress, 
at the New England dinner in Philadelphia ten years ago, apply with all 
the "orce of an inspired prophecy to the situation which his own subse- 
quent folly has brought about : 

"Human rights and constitutional privileges must not be forgotten 
in the race for wealth and commercial supremacy. The government of 
the people must be by the people, and not by a few of the people; it must 
rest upon the free consent of the governed and of all of the governed. 
Power, it must be remembered, which is secured by oppression or usurpa- 
tion, or by any form of injustice, is soon dethroned. We have no right 
in law or morals to usurp that which belongs to another, whether it is 
property or power." 

Nor does the question so often triumphantly asked in behalf of the 
imperialistic cause, "What are we to do with the Philippines?" offer any 
difficulties that may not be dissolved even now by a rational and honest 
course of procedure. The McKinley government had it in its power two 
years ago to have made the first of May the birthday of liberty in the far 
East a Filipino Fourth of July. That opportunity was lost and the 
blunder was committed, if no worse name be deserved, of continuing in 
the American name the policy of Spanish oppression in the islands. 
It is now perceived that this policy was dictated by the interests which 
seek to erect upon the ruins of Filipino liberty a fabric for the destruc- 
tion of the liberty of Americans. Every act of the administration since 
the war began is a convincing proof of this. But it is not yet too late to 
undo all but the disgrace which has been fastened upon the national 
name. An honest administration at Washington, obedient to the popu- 
lar will, inspired by the principles of Democracy, would hasten to sub- 
due the hostility of the Filipinos and enter into negotiations with those 
brave men for the establishment of a republic in their islands. All they 
ask is the same measure of liberty which our Constitution declares is the 
portion of all men without regard to race, color or creed. They have 
never yet rejected, and they never would reject the idea of an American 
protectorate from which they might derive guidance and instruction 
during the early stages of their newly acquired autonomy. Such assist- 
ance is in our power, as it should be our pleasure, to afford to any people 
struggling out of the darkness of servitude. It is doubly incumbent, in 
view of all that has transpired, upon the great republic of the West, to 


do everything in its power to set up in the East the standard of equal 
rights of which our flag has always been the symbol. Spain was in the 
Philippines the exponent of monarchy and the exemplar of aristocracy 
and class favoritism. Instead of following in her footsteps, we might 
have made the victory of Manila Bay the foundation stone of a new 
republic in the far East, the scope of whose destinies no man can con- 
ceive. And we may do so yet, but only in the name of the whole people, 
whose restoration to the power of which they have been robbed the 
Democracy now, as always heretofore, is the champion. 

So loud is the voice of protest against this administration's new and 
dangerous departure from the path of honor and safety; so many men 
of so many parties and class affiliations have spoken out, that a new 
chapter of our political literature may be said to have grown up since 
the war with Spain. It is only within the past two years that the word 
"imperialism" has become a part of our language. Now the air is full 
of it. A veritable wave of imperialism has passed over the land, carry- 
ing before it, in thousands of American hearts, the old standards of right 
and law. 

For the first time we hear of the "American Empire" and "American 
Colonies" from men who ought to know that such terms are in them- 
selves, contradictory and impossible. Abraham Lincoln might rise from 
his grave and repeat with truth what he said at Springfield in June, 1857 : 

"In the days of the fathers the Declaration of Independence was held 
sacred by all and thought to include all; but now, it is assailed, and 
sneered at, and construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers 
could rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize it." 

And again he said, speaking of the repeal of the Missouri Compro- 

"I think, and shall try to show, that it is wrong, wrong in its direct 
effect, letting slavery into Kansas and Nebraska, and wrong in its pro- 
spective principle, allowing it to spread to every other part of the wide 
world, where men can be found inclined to take it. 

"This declared indifference, but as I must think covert real zeal, for 
the spread of slavery, I can not but hate. I hate it because of the mon- 
strous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our re- 
publican example of its just influence; enables the enemies of free insti- 
tutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites; causes the real 
friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity ; and especially because it forces 


so many really good men among ourselves into an open war with the very 
fundamental principles of civil liberty, criticizing the Declaration of In- 

Once again the time has come when the Declaration of Independence 
is not held sacred by all, is not thought to include all. Once again, to 
make the bondage, not of the negro, but of the Filipino, universal and 
eternal, "It is assailed, and sneered at, and hawked at, and torn, till, if 
its franiers could rise from their graves, they could not at all recognize 

The forcible annexation of the Philippine Islands is now being at- 
tempted. The Government of the United States is endeavoring to sub- 
ject this people against their will. To enforce this idea is to enforce 
slavery ; not in the extreme degree, to be sure, but in part and in principle 
nevertheless. On this point United States Senator Bacon has truly said : 

"Whenever the people are required to render an obedience which is in- 
voluntary, that requirement is an enslavement of that people. 

"There are different degrees of enslavement. If we put our yoke 
upon a people, if we rule them arbitrarily, if we send them governors 
and judges, if we make laws for them without their participation, if we 
enforce obedience to such laws by our army, then it is an absolute en- 
slavement. If, on the contrary, we allow them free institutions, but at 
the same time prescribe to them that they shall owe allegiance to a gov- 
ernment against their will, it is none the less an enslavement, although 
less in degree." 

The apologists for imperialism have ceased to mince their words. It 
will not be their fault if the people do not appreciate the policy which 
confronts them. 

"A constitution and national policy adopted by thirteen half-consoli- 
dated, weak, rescued colonies," says Mr. Franklin MacVeagh, "glad to be 
able to call their life their own, can not be expected to hamper the great- 
est nation in the world." 

President Northrup was no less outspoken when, at the Chicago Peace 
Jubilee Banquet, he said : 

"In the right to acquire territory is found the right to govern; and 
as the right to govern is sovereign and unlimited, the right to govern is a 
sovereign right, and I maintain is not limited in the Constitution. 7 
think it must be admitted that the right to govern is sovereign and un- 


limited. . . . Governments derive their just powers from the con- 
sent of some of the governed." 

And these words were actually delivered in the United States Senate 
by Mr. Platt, of Connecticut : 

"The Declaration of Independence was made to suit a particular 
existing condition of things. The Declaration meant simply that the 
Colonies had become tired of the British domination, deeming it oppres- 
sive, and intended to set up a government of their own by the right of 
revolution. They were not laying down a principle for anybody except 
themselves, and they had no conception of the 'consent of the governed/ 
as it is proclaimed by Mr. - - and the generally hypocritical gang 
who are sympathizing with him in the hope of cheating us out of our 
rightful conquests." 

It remained for a minister of the Gospel, the Rev. P. S. Henson, of 
the First Baptist Church, Chicago, to go to the extreme of imperialistic 
frenzy in these words delivered at a public meeting in May, 1899 : 

"And so today there are those that wave the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence in our faces, and tell us that the thing to do is to deliver over those 
islands of the archipelago in the East to the people who are their rightful 
masters; for 'all governments derive their just powers from the consent 
of the governed.' So wrote Thomas Jefferson. Do you remember that 
the Lord said to Joshua, 'My servant is dead'? And so is Thomas Jef- 
ferson. I do not believe that Thomas Jefferson was infallible. I believe 
that a live President in the year of grace 1899 is just as much of an 
authority as a President that lived and died a hundred years ago. I am 
no worshiper of a saint just because he is dead. Let the dead bury the 
dead. As to that hallowed document that declares that all governments 
derive their just powers from the consent of the governed, if that is to be 
It is not true of the government of God." 

Mr. Whitelaw Reid has spoken often and fervidly in the same vein, 
urging his hearers to "resist the crazy extension of this doctrine that 
government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed." 
His newspaper, the New York Tribune, once edited by Horace Greeley, 
has actually printed such sentiments as these: 

"It is a favorite notion now to quote the words, 'Governments are 
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the 


governed,' as if these embodied a law of application to all inhabitants 
alike. ... It was never the intention (of the signers of the Dec- 
laration) to assert that the negroes or the savage race must give consent 
before just government should be established over them. . . . The 
Declaration of Independence was a formal notice that the inhabitants 
of the colonies consented no longer to British rule." 

The advocates of the imperialistic policy have even cited past events 
in our national history in support of their theory. The Fathers are 
quoted, and chief among them Thomas Jefferson. But of all our states- 
men none was more hostile to colonial policy than the sage of Monticello. 

Mr. Bryan has divided imperialism, as it now presents itself, into four 
distinct propositions, as follows : 

"1. That the acquisition of territory by conquest is right. 

"2. That the acquisition of remote territory is desirable. 

"3. That the doctrine that governments derive their just powers 
from the consent of the governed is unsound. 

"4. That people can be wisely governed by aliens." 

As for conquering territory and ruling over it there can be no mis- 
taking Jefferson's position, for in 1791 he wrote to William Short: 

"If there be one principle more deeply written than any other in the 
mind of every American, it is that we should have nothing to do with con- 

This is plain enough from the author of the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence. The very fundamental principle of the doctrine of a republic is 
diametrically opposed to the acquisition of territory by conquest. This 
truth is plainly set forth by John Fiske, the most philosophical American 
historian, in his "Beginnings of New England." He divides nation-mak- 
ing into three classes, the third of which he styles the "English method." 
This he defines as being the one which contains the "principle of repre- 
sentation." He adds: 

"For this reason, though like all nation-making it was in its early 
stages attended with war and conquest, it nevertheless does not neces- 
sarily require war and conquest in order to be put into operation. . . ^ 
Now of the English or Teutonic method, I say, war is not an essential 
part; for where representative government is once established, it is pos- 
sible for a great nation to be formed by the peaceful coalescence of neigh- 
boring states, or by their union into a federal body. . . . Now 
Federalism, though its rise and establishment may be incidentally ac- 


complished by warfare, is nevertheless in spirit pacific. Conquest in the 
Oriental sense is quite incom2)atible with it; conquest in the Roman sense 
hardly less so. At the close of our Civil war there were now and then 
zealous people to be found who thought that the Southern States ought to 
be treated as conquered territory, governed by prefects sent from Wash- 
ington, and held down by military force for a generation or so. Let us 
hope that there are few today who can fail to see that such a course would 
have been fraught with almost as much danger as the secession move- 
ment itself. At least it would have been a hasty confession, quite un- 
called for and quite untrue, that American Federalism had thus far 
proved itself incompetent; that we had indeed preserved our national 
unity, but only at the frightful cost of sinking to a lower plane of nation- 
al life. . 

"Our experience has now so far widened that we can see that despot- 
ism is not the strongest but well-nigh the weakest form of government; 
that centralized administrations, like thai of the Roman Empire, have 
fallen to pieces, not because of too much, but because of too little free- 
dom; and that the only perdurable government must be that which suc- 
ceeds in achieving national unity on a grand scale, without weakening 
the sense of local and personal independence. For in the body politic 
this spirit of freedom is as the red corpuscles in the blood; it carries (lie 
life with it. It makes the difference between a society of self-respecting 
men and women and a society of puppets. Your nation may have art, 
poetry, and science, all the refinements of civilized life, all the coinfoi-i-- 
and safeguards that human ingenuity can devise, but if it lose this spirit 
of personal and local independence, it is doomed, and deserves its doom. 
. . . Of the two opposite perils which have perpetually threatened 
the welfare of political society, anarchy on the one hand, loss of self- 
government on the other, Jefferson was right in maintaining that the 
latter is really the more to be dreaded, because its beginnings are so ter- 
ribly insidious." 

. The anti-imperialistic principles of Jefferson have been re-affirmed 
in more recent times, even by the Republican leaders, before their party 
became saturated with the virus of conquest. One of these, whose voice 
may well be invoked at this time, was James G. Elaine. One of Mr. 
Elaine's greatest ambitions was to bring the republics of North ami 
South America into closer relations. At a conference held for this pur- 


pose in 1890, he introduced the following resolutions, which were ap- 
proved by the commissioners present: 

"First. That the principle of conquest shall not, during the continu- 
ance of the treaty of arbitration, be recognized as admissible under 
American public law. 

"Second. That all cessions of territory made during the continu- 
ance of the treaty of arbitration shall be void, if made under threats of 
war or in the presence of an armed force. 

"Third. Any nation from which such cession shall be exacted may 
demand that the validity of the cession so made shall be submitted to 

"Fourth. Any renunciation of the right to arbitration made under 
the conditions made in the second section shall be null and void." 

Commenting on these resolutions, Mr. Bryan has justly said : 

"So objectionable is the theory of acquisition of territory by conquest 
that the nation which suffers such injustice can, according to the reso- 
lutions, recover by arbitration the land ceded in the presence of an armed 
force. So abhorrent is it that a waiver of arbitration, under such cir- 
cumstances, is null and void." 

Jefferson was ever opposed to the acquisition of remote territory. 
He continually stated that he did not desire for the United States any 
land outside the North American continent. It is true, however, as an 
exception to this that he desired the annexation of the island of Cuba. 
On this point, however, he has left on record a letter addressed, in June, 
1823, to the President, Monroe, in which he suggests that we should be 
ready to receive Cuba "when solicited by herself." The only reason that 
he ever dreamed of desiring Cuba was because of its nearness to our own 
shores ; but for fear that any one might use its annexation as a precedent 
for general and indefinite expansion, he said in another letter to James 
Madison, then President : "It will be objected to our receiving Cuba, 
that no limit can be drawn to our future acquisitions;" but he added, 
"Cuba can be defended by us without a navy, and this develops the prin- 
ciple which ought to limit our views. Nothing should ever be accepted 
which requires a navy to defend it." 

And still further, in the same letter, speaking in view of the possible 
acquisition of that island, he said : "I would immediately erect a column 
on the southernmost limit of Cuba, and inscribe on it a ne plus ultra 
as to us in that direction." 


Upon the proposition regarding the government of people by aliens, 
Jefferson spake words which, for the truth they contain and the modest 
simplicity they manifest, must live forever. There was formed in the 
year 1817 a French society, the members of which had for their purpose 
to settle near the Tombigbee River. This society invited Jefferson to 
formulate laws and regulations for them. Replying, from Monticello, 
he expressed his appreciation of their feelings toward the confidence in 
him, but stated in effect that he could not conscientiously undertake the 
task. Following are his reasons for declining: 

"The laws, however, which must effect this must flow from their own 
habits, their own feelings, and the resources of their own minds. No 
stranger to these could possibly propose regulations adapted to them. 
Every people have their own particular habits, ways of thinking, man- 
ners, etc., which have grown up with them from their infancy, arc become 
a part of their nature, and to which the regulations which are to make 
them happy must be accomraodah <!. No member of a foreign country 
can have a sufficient sympathy with these. The institutions of Lycur- 
gus, for example, would not have suited Athens, nor those of Solon, La- 
cedaemon. The organizations of Locke were impracticable for Carolina, 
and those of Rosseau for Poland. Turning inwardly on myself from 
these eminent illustrations of the truth of my observation, I feel all the 
presumption it would manifest should I undertake to do what this re- 
spectable society is alone qualified to do suitably for itself." 

Who can deny these truths? No self -respecting community will 
cheerfully obey any other than self-imposed laws. They may obey 
through fear, or on account of the presence of armed force, but there will 
always be danger of riots caused by discontent, or of insurrection in the 
hope of freedom. Liberty is an inalienable right. 

Colonial empire is not only un-republican and un-democratic in 
principle; it is unprofitable. We have heard a great deal of late of the 
"splendid colonial system of England," but who can forget the words of 
Lord Macaulay, in his "Essay on the West Indies" : 

"There are some who assert that, from a military and political point 
of view, the West Indies are of great importance to this country. This 
is a common but a monstrous misrepresentation. We venture to say that 
colonial empire has been one of the greatest curses of modern Europe. 
What nation has it ever strengthened? What nation has it ever en- 
riched? What have been its fruits? Wars of frequent occurrence and 


immense cost, fettered trade, lavish expenditure, clashing jurisdiction, 
corruption in governments and indigence among the people. What have 
Mexico and Peru done for Spain, the Brazils for Portugal, Batavia for 
Holland? Or, if the experience of others is lost upon us, shall we not 
profit by our own? What have we not sacrificed to our infatuated pas- 
sion for transatlantic dominion? This it is that has so often led us to 
risk our own smiling gardens and dear firesides for some snowy desert or 
infectious morass on the other side of the globe; this induced us to resign 
all the advantages of our insular situation, to embroil ourselves in the 
intrigues and fight the battles of half the continent, to form coalitions 
which were instantly broken, to give subsidies which were never earned; 
this gave birth to the fratricidal war against American liberty, with all 
its disgraceful defeats, and all its barren victories, and all the massacres 
of the Indian hatchet, and all the bloody contracts of the Hessian slaugh- 
ter-house; this it was which, in the war against the French Republic, 
induced us to send thousands and tens of thousands of our bravest troops 
to die in West Indian hospitals, while the armies of our enemies were 
pouring over the Rhine and the Alps. When a colonial acquisition has 
been in prospect, we have thought no expenditure extravagant, no inter- 
ference perilous. Gold has been to us as dust, and blood as water. Shall 
we never learn wisdom? Shall we never cease to prosecute a pursuit 
wilder than the wildest dreams of alchemy, with all the credulity and all 
the profusion of Sir Epicure Mammon? 

"Those who maintain that settlements so remote conduce to the mili- 
tary or maritime power of nations, fly in the face of history." 

The war of the Revolution the war which effected the separation be- 
tween these United States and Great Britain was fundamentally, and 
was fought for four long years exclusively, against the colonial system of 
Europe. This is the most important fact. In a war against that sys- 
tem, this nation originated, not as a matter of policy, but as a matter of 
principle. In the commencement of that struggle the Fathers of this 
nation did not contemplate independence from the mother land. "When 
the people of Rhode Island burned the British war sloop 'Gaspee' in 
Narragansett Bay," said Senator Vest, in a recent speech, "and the peo- 
ple of Massachusetts threw overboard the cargo of tea in Boston harbor, 
they acted as British subjects, proclaiming their loyalty to the crown of 
England. When Thomas Jefferson, Patrick Henry, and Light-Horse 
Harry Lee met at the old Raleigh tavern in Williamsburg, Va., and in- 


dorsed the action of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, they proclaimed 
themselves English subjects, loyal to the king, and only demanded the 
rights that were given to them as Englishmen by Magna Charta, and the 
Bill of Rights. 

"What is the colonial system against which our Fathers protested? 
It is based upon the fundamental idea that the people of immense areas 
of territory can be held as subjects, never to become citizens; that they 
must pay taxes, and be impoverished by governmental exaction without 
having anything to do with the legislation under which they live. 

"Against taxation without representation our Fathers fought for the 
first four years of the Revolution, struggling against the system which 
England then attempted to impose upon them, and which was graphic- 
ally described by Thomas Jefferson as the belief that nine-tenths of man- 
kind were born bridled and saddled, and the other tenth booted and 
spurred to ride them." 



It is not contended that this nation is prohibited by any natural or 
human law from acquiring territory, but always within the limitations of 
right. All territory that is acquired outside of the seat of the National 
capital, dockyards, arsenals, etc., must be acquired with the idea that it 
will be admitted to statehood just as soon as possible, and the govern- 
ment has no right to acquire territory with any other purpose in view. 

This principle has been laid down by the Supreme Court of the United 
States, in the famous Dred Scott decision: 

"There is certainly no power given by the Constitution to the Federal 
Government to establish or maintain colonies bordering on the United 
States or at a distance, to be ruled and governed at its own pleasure, nor 
to enlarge its territorial limits in any way except \)y the admission of 
new States. That power is plainly given; and if a new State is admitted, 
it needs no further legislation by Congress, because the Constitution it- 
self defines the relative rights and powers and duties of the State and 
the citizens of the State and the Federal Government, But no power is 
given to acquire a territory to be held and governed permanently in that 

"And, indeed, the power exercised by Congress to acquire territory 
and establish a government there, according to its own unlimited discre- 
tion, was viewed with great jealousy by the leading statesmen of the day. 
And in the Federalist (No. 38), written by Mr. Madison, he speaks of the 
acquisition of the Northwestern Territory by the Confederated States, by 
the cession from Virginia, and the establishment of a. government there, 
was an exercise of power not warranted by the articles of confederation, 
and dangerous to the liberties of the people. And he urges the adop- 
tion of the Constitution as a security and safeguard against such an ex- 
ercise of power. 

"We do not mean, however, to question the power of Congress in this 
respect. The power to expand the territory of the United States by the 
admission of new States is plainly given ; and in the construction of this 
power by all the departments of the Government, it has been held to 



authorize the acquisition of territory not fit for admission at the time, but 
to be admitted as soon as its population and situation would entitle it to 
admission. It is acquired to become a State, and not to be held as a colony 
and governed by Congress with absolute authority; and as the propriety 
of admitting a new State is committed to the sound judgment of Con- 
gress, the power to acquire territory for that purpose, to be held by the 
United States until it is in a suitable condition to become a State upon an 
equal footing with the other States, must rest upon the same discretion. 7 ' 

While the court was not unanimous upon all the points in this de- 
cision, all the nine justices concurred in the principles above stated, and, 
moreover, in his dissenting opinion, Mr. Justice McLean took the same 
position with even greater emphasis: 

"In organizing the government of a Territory, Congress is limited 
to means appropriate to the attainment of the constitutional object. No 
powers can be exercised which are prohibited by the Constitution, or 
which are contrary to its spirit; so that, whether the object may be the 
protection of the property and persons of purchasers of the public lands 
or of communities who have been annexed to the Union by conquest or 
purchase, they arc initiatory to the establishment of State government*, 
and no more power can be claimed or exercised than is necessary to the 
attainment of that end. This is the limitation of all the Federal powers." 

These opinions clearly set forth the absence of power in this govern- 
ment to hold Territories as colonies not to be admitted as States, and 
with no prospect of becoming States. In both of the opinions quoted 
"the fundamental idea, is conveyed that all the power of Congress in re- 
gard to the Territories is to be exercised as an initiatory process to their 
becoming States of the American Union." 

And these principles have formed a part of the political faith of 
Americans of all parties until within the last few months; the actions of 
the Government have uniformly been in harmony with them. 

The first land held by the United States not in the form of a State 
was the Northwestern Territory ceded by Virginia. It embraced the 
area now occupied by the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, 
Wisconsin, and a part of Minnesota. While the constitutional convention 
was sitting, the Congress of the Confederation was considering the mat- 
ter of the government of the Northwest Territory. On July 13, 1787, 
that body passed the ordinance for the government of the Northwest 
Territory, drawn by the same hand that chiseled the Declaration of In- 


dependence. Its existence and binding efficacy were expressly recog- 
nized in the legislation of the first Congress under the Constitution, that 
of 1789. It contains this provision: 

"Sec. 13. And for extending the fundamental principles of civil and 
religious liberty, which form the basis whereon these republics, their 
laws and constitutions, are erected; to fix and establish those principles 
as the basis of all laws, constitutions, and governments which forever 
hereafter shall be formed in the said Territory ; to provide, also, for the 
establishment of States and permanent government therein, and for their 
admission to a share in the federal councils on an equal footing with the 
original States, at as early periods as may be consistent with the general 

"Sec. 14. It is hereby ordained and declared, by the authority afore- 
said, that the following articles shall be considered as articles of com- 
pact between the original States and the people and the States of the 
said Territory, and forever remain unalterable unless by common con- 

The ordinance distinctly mentions the "establishment of States and 
permanent government," showing conclusively that in the minds of the 
Fathers the power of the federal government to hold and rule this Ter- 
ritory was only temporary. 

Again, on April 30, 1803, the United States government completed the 
purchase of Louisiana from Prance. "The territory thus acquired em- 
braced the area now occupied by the States of Louisiana, Arkansas, Mis- 
souri, all but the southwest corner of Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota west of 
the Mississippi river, Nebraska, Colorado east of the Rocky mountains 
and north of the Arkansas river, the two Dakotas, Montana, Idaho, Ore- 
gon, Washington, most of Wyoming, and the present Indian Territory." 
The treaty with France by which this cession was achieved contains a 
statement of the same principle : 

"The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated into the 
Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according 
to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the 
rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States; and 
in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free en- 
joyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess." 

Thomas Jefferson was at this time President of the United States, and 
James Madison was secretary of state. The treaty was signed by James 


Monroe and Robert Livingston, and was ratified while many of the 
framers of the Constitution were still active in the government. The 
whole furnishes a lucid commentary upon the understanding of these 
men as to the principle of the government of new territory. 

The next territory which was added to the national domain was that 
of the Floridas. These, by the terms of the treaty of Washington, were 
ceded to us by Spain, Feb. 22, 1819. This treaty provides : 

"The inhabitants of the territories which his Catholic Majesty cedes 
to the United States by this treaty shall be incorporated in the Union of 
the United States as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the 
Federal Constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment of all the privileges, 
rights, and immunities of the citizens of the United States." 

In 1845 Texas was annexed, and admitted to statehood by one and the 
same act, so that no provision concerning the civil and religious status of 
the inhabitants was necessary. Following this was the treaty of Guada- 
lupe Hidalgo, Feb. 2, 1848, by which the United States acquired from 
Mexico the territory included in the States of California, Nevada, Utah, 
the greater part of Arizona, the larger part of New Mexico, Colorado 
west of the Rocky Mountains, and the southwestern part of Wyoming. 
This increase of territory was further added to by the Gadsden purchase 
from Mexico, Dec. 30, 1853, which now constitutes the southern part of 
the Territories of New Mexico and Arizona. Article 9 of this treaty says: 

"The Mexicans, who in the territory aforesaid shall not preserve the 
character of citizens of the Mexican republic, conformably with what is 
stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union 
of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged by 
the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all the rights of 
citizens of the United States, according to the principles of the Constitu- 
tion, and in the meantime shall be maintained and protected in the free 
enjoyment of their liberty and property, and secured in the free exercise 
of their religion without restriction." 

This article was also adopted as an article of the Gadsden treaty. 
And again in the Alaskan treaty it was provided that "the inhabitants 
shall be admitted to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, 
and immunities of citizens of the United States." 

All these treaties prove beyond the shadow of a doubt that, until 
within the last few months, this nation was utterly opposed to the colon- 
ial policy; that we considered it subversive of our fundamental principles, 


and that in every case where territory was acquired, it was stipulated 
in clear and distinct language that such territory should be admitted 
tQ statehood in accordance with the principles of the Federal Con- 
stitution. It follows that the record of the United States, until the pres- 
ent crisis 3 has been unanimously in support of the principles of the 
Declaration of Independence and of the Constitution of the United 

Contrast with these historic state papers, embodying in many cases 
the very words of the founders of the Republic, the following from Mr. 
McKinley's famous speech at Boston : 

"Did we ask their consent to liberate them from Spanish sovereignty, 
or to enter Manila Bay and destroy the Spanish sea power there? We 
did not ask these. We were obeying a higher moral obligation which 
rested upon us, and which did not require anybody's consent. Every 
present obligation has been met and fulfilled in the expulsion of Spanish 
sovereignty from the islands, and while the war was in progress we could 
not ask their views. Nor can we now ask their consent," 

It was in a better vein that the President wrote to Congress on Dec. 
6, 1897, before he had become inoculated with the virus of imperialism : 

"Of the untried measures there remain only recognition of the insur- 
gents as belligerents, recognition of the independence of Cuba, neutral 
intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between 
the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. / 
speak not of forcible annexation for that can not be thought of. That, 
by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression." 

"Our code of morality" remains the same; the President and his party 
have changed. Forgetful of his own words as well as of the constitu- 
tional truths upon which they were founded, Mr. McKinley is now wag- 
ing a war of "forcible annexation" in the Philippines, Is it any less 
"criminal aggression" there than it would have been in Cuba? There 
can be no difference in principle between the two. When the President 
of the United States announces that he can not ask the consent of the 
Filipinos to allow him to govern them, he virtually proclaims a war of 
extermination. When the commanding general of the American army in 
the Philippines demands unconditional surrender, and nothing but that, 
he also proclaims a war of extermination. But the Filipinos are fighting 
simply for their freedom. Our armies are waging war against freedom 
and against the right of self government. 


"The question of imperialism," Prof. Sumner, of Yale, has said, "is the 
question whether we are going to give the lie to the origin of our own 
national existence by establishing a colonial system of the old Spanish 
type, even if we have to sacrifice our own existing civil and political sys- 
tem to do it. I submit that it is a strange incongruity to utter grand 
platitudes about the blessings of liberty, etc., which we are going to im- 
part to these people, and to begin by refusing to extend the Constitution 
over them, and still more by throwing the Constitution into the gutter 
here at home. If you take aw r ay the Constitution, what is the American 
liberty and all the rest? Nothing but a lot of phrases. 

"The cold and unnecessary cruelty of the Spaniards to the aborigines 
is appalling, even if when compared with the treatment of the aborigines 
by other Europeans. A modern economist stands aghast at the economic 
measures adopted by Spain, as well in regard to her domestic policy as to 
her colonies. It seems as if these measures could only have been inspired 
by some demon of folly, they were so destructive to her prosperity. She 
possesses a large literature from the last three centuries, in which her 
publicists discuss with amazement the question whether it was a blessing 
or a curse to get the Indies, and why, with all the supposed conditions of 
prosperity in her hands, she was declining all the time. 

"\\V now hoar it ar-ucd that she is well rid of her colonies, and that 
if she will devote her energies to her internal development, and rid her 
politics of the corruption of colonial officials and interests, she may be 
regenerated. That is a rational opinion. It is the best diagnosis of her 
condition, and the best prescription of a remedy which the occasion has 
called forth. But what, then, will happen to the state which has taken 
over her colonies? I can see no answer except that that nation, with 
them, has taken over the disease, and that it now is to be corrupted by 
exploiting dependent communities just as she has been. That it stands 
exposed to this danger is undeniable." 

It is an edifying spectacle Columbia laying off the white garment of 
liberty to don the cast-off rags of Spanish despotism. Senator Tillinan 
was not without warrant when he said : 

"As far as m\ T observations 540, and as I understand the present 
status of the American people, we have no Constitution left." 

"No man," said Abraham Lincoln, "is good enough to govern another 
man without that other man's consent. When the white man governs 


himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also 
another man that is more than self-government that is despotism." 

No one imagines for a moment that the McKinley administration has 
ever contemplated admitting the Filipinos to American citizenship. The 
Republican policy contemplates a foreign despotism nothing more or 
less and of this policy Carl Schurz has well said : 

"Let the poor, and the men who earn their bread by the labor of their 
hands, pause and consider well before they give their consent to a policy 
so deliberately forgetful of the equality of rights. * * * They will 
be told, as they are now told, that we are in it, and can not honorably get 
out of it; that destiny, and Providence, and duty demand it; that it would 
be cowardly to shrink from our new responsibilities; that those popula- 
tions can not take care of themselves, and that it is our mission to let 
them have the blessings of our free institutions; and that we must have 
new markets for our products ; that those countries are rich in resources, 
and that there is plenty of money to be made by taking them; that the 
American people can whip anybody, and do anything they set out to do ; 
and that 'Old Glory' should float over every land on which we can lay our 

"Those who have yielded to such cries once will yield to them again. 
Conservative citizens will tell them that thus the homogeneousness of the 
people of the Republic, so essential to> the working of our democratic in- 
stitutions, will be irretrievably lost ; that our race troubles, already dan- 
gerous, will be infinitely aggravated ; and that the government, of, by, and 
for the people will be in imminent danger of fatal demoralization. They 
will be cried down as pusillanimous pessimists, who are no longer Ameri- 
can patriots. The American people will be driven on and on by the force 
of events, as Napoleon was when started on his career of limitless con- 
quest. This is imperialism as now advocated. Do we wish to prevent 
its excesses? Then we must stop at the beginning, before taking Porto 
Rico. If we take that island, not even to speak of the Philippines, we 
shall have placed ourselves on the incline plane, and roll on and on, no 
longer masters of our own will, until we have reached the bottom. And 
where will that bottom be? Who knows?" 

Mr. Schurz's reward for these patriotic warnings has been an outcry 
of "treason" from the leaders of the imperialistic policy. The same has 
been meted out' to every patriot who has dared to raise the voice of warn- 


ing. Mr. Bryan spoke with, prophetic truth when he said at the Duck- 
worth Club banquet in Cincinnati, Jan. 6, 1899 : 

"If we enter upon a colonial policy, we must expect to hear the com- 
mand 'Silence!' issuing with increased emphasis from the imperialists. 
If a member of Congress attempts to criticise any injustice perpetrated 
by a government oflicial against a helpless people, he will be warned to 
keep silent lest his criticisms encourage resistance to American authority 
in the Orient. 

"If an orator on the Fourth of July dares to speak of unalienable 
rights, or refers with commendation to the manner in which our fore- 
fathers resisted taxation without representation, he will IHJ warned to 
keep silent lest his utterances excite rebellion among distant subjects." 

This prophecy has been abundantly fulfilled, against citizens of high 
repute, against senators and representatives in ('(ingress in their official 
places, in the exercise of a strict censorship against the representatives of 
the press and in the stoppage of documents in the United States mails. 
It may well lie asked with such beginnings of imperialistic rule already 
accomplished, what will be the end? 

Already the chief executive of the United States is by his own con- 
struction of his duties and obligations, king of ihe Philippine Islands. 
It is an enviable position for the olli< ial successor of < Jcorge Washington 
and Thomas Jefferson. 

Misrepresentation of facts and abuse of individuals form a necessary 
part of the imperialistic policy. To be a patriot, according to the new 
rule, it is needful to paint Agninaldo and his associates as traitors and 
his followers as savages and barbarians. The recorded facts indeed tell 
a story of treachery, but the traitor is not the Filipino leader. There is 
oiliciai evidence of irrefragable character that Aguinaldo and his follow- 
ers were led by accredited agents of the McKinley administration, to be- 
lieve that the United States would support them, in their struggle against 
Spanish rule and become their friend and ally aud the protector of a 
Filipino republic. Such an agreement was faithfully carried out by our 
consuls and army and navy officers until the word came from Washing- 
ton to set up the imperial standard at Manila. Beyond a doubt the 
American army has been the aggressor against the brave and patriotic 
people. The evidence has been published so widely that it need not be 
repeated here. These facts plainly appear upon testimony given before 
the peace commission in Paris : 


First. That the co-operation of Aguinaldo and his followers was 
sought and obtained by the representatives of this government. 

Second. That it was distinctly understood when this arrangement 
was made that those whose aid and co-operation were thus sought and 
obtained were fighting for independence, and that they were opposed to 
annexation to the United States. 

Third. That the Philippine leaders were positively encouraged by 
those acting as representatives of the United States government to be- 
lieve that this country would assist them to realize their aspirations. 

Imperialists have ceased to excuse their bad faith by an "appeal to 
history." They now justify their perfidy on the plea that the Filipinos 
are incapable of self-government. The plea would be insufficient if it 
were true., No nation has the moral right to enforce its rule upon an 
inferior people. But it is not true. Gen. Otis, lately returned from the 
islands, declares that the Filipinos are superior to the Cubans or to any 
other of the Asiatic people, including the Japanese and Chinese. In his 
report to the Secretary of the Navy, Aug. 29, 1898, Admiral Dewey said : 

"In a telegram sent to the department on June 23, I expressed the 
opinion that 'these people (the Filipinos) are far superior in their in- 
telligence, and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, 
and I am familiar with both races.' Further intercourse with them has 
confirmed me in this opinion." 

United States Consul Roundseville Wildman has expressed the same 
opinion at greater length : 

"I have lived among the Malays of the Straits Settlements, and have 
been an honored guest of the different sultanates. I have watched their 
system of government, and have admired their intelligence, and I rank 
them high among the semicivilized nations of the earth. The natives of 
the Philippine Islands belong to the Malay race, and while there are very 
few pure Malays among their leaders, I think their stock has rather been 
improved than debased by admixture. I consider that the forty or fifty 
Philippine leaders, with whose fortunes I have been very closely con- 
nected, are the superiors of both the Malays and the Cubans. Aguinaldo, 
Agoncilla, and Sandico are all men who would be leaders in their separate 
departments in any country; while among the wealthy Manila men who 
live in Hongkong, and who are spending their money liberally for the 
overthrow of the Spaniards and for annexation to the United States 


men like the Cortes family and the Basa family would hold their own 
among bankers and lawyers anywhere." 

The kind of men who form the Filipino congress has been described 
by Mr. Roberson, who himself visited the congress while it was in session. 
He gives a very favorable account of the character and ability of the 
members. Of the eighty-three members sitting, seventeen were grad- 
uates of European universities, and the president, Pedro Paterno, took 
his degree as D. D. in the University of Madrid, and afterward received 
his degree of LL. D. from the University of Salamanca. His books are of 
such reputation that they have been translated into German. 

The cant, that such a people are not fitted for self-government, but 
must wait until they are instructed by the disciples of (^uay and Platt 
and Lodge would be food for mirth, if it were not rooted in so much du- 
plicity and baseness. 

That we are surely passing from a republic to a despotism, unless an 
uprising of the people like that of 1801, is near at hand, is certain. If 
the Constitution gives us a ''free hand" regarding a tariff with Puerto 
Rico, why does it not with territories in the United States? If it permits 
discrimination between the States and the Territories, why cannot ihe 
free hand make a similar distinction between Ihe Slates if party policy 
desires? There are plenty of Lodges and Beveridges to assume the 
powers of the Supreme Court and announce the new construction of con- 
stitutional law. As fast as it is necessary to violate the constitution 
there will be subservient senators enough to justify it. A Hag that trade 
rebelliously refuses to follow is now trying to prevent the Constitution 
from following it. It needs remagnetising, having lost its attraction in 
the tropics, except for beer and rum. 

"It would be easy," says Mr. William Lloyd Garrison, "to name a 
score of men in the United States for whose pockets the war with Spain 
and the Philippines has been waged. These are the 'economic men,' the 
groups of capitalists as represented by the Standard Oil, the sugar, 
tobacco, steel and kindred trusts, who are at the bottom of imperialism 
and are the sappers and miners of democratic institutions. With Mam- 
mon for a deity they shout their bald and atheistic cries against t lie right 
of the governed to choose their own rulers and against the charters con- 
stituted to preserve those rights. Their clever lawyers are in the legis- 
latures and the courts, their servants wear the livery of the United States, 
their 'vested rights' are guarded by churches and institutions of learn- 


ing, of which they are princely patrons. They are a unit in purpose and 
lack of scruple. Against them are a people divided by unintelligent 
issues, in bondage to party demagogues, torn with dissensions and jeal- 
ousies of class or race, ready instruments for the tyrant." 

Ministerial defense of popular wrong finds expression in the prayer: 

"We thank Thee that Thy Holy Writ 

Is so adaptable a guide 
That none need go away from it 

With any doubt unsatisfied, 
For every course some sanction is, 

If not in John, in Genesis." 

The struggle is between the men in the saddle and the masses who are 
without boots and spurs, a conflict beginning with the organization of 
society. It has taken centuries for the "subjects" to lose their awe for 
self-constituted authority. Strong governments based on military force 
are the necessary and logical outcome of autocratic ideas. When Jef- 
ferson and his compeers proposed to reverse these time-honored customs 
and to trust the plain people to make their own government, with no 
place for rulers by divine right, the hazardous experiment met the doubt 
and derision of Europe. 

In these days of recantation of principles which alone account for this 
country's marvelous career, so astounding to old world prophets, it is 
salutary to recur to Lowell's Birmingham address, which Americans have 
recognized as the finest exposition of democracy. He defines democracy 
as "that form of society, no matter what its political classification, in 
which every man has a chance and knows that he has it." Our departure 
from this standard is evidenced by the lessening of men's chances and the 
congestion of wealth that must be justly distributed to ensure permanent 
self-government. The great factor wanting in despotisms is the con- 
sciousness of the people that they are robbed of their chances by 
designing interests, and that their robbery is not an act of nature. In a 
democracy education reveals the injustice, and herein lies our hope of 
defeating the plutocracy conspiracy to imperialize the republic. 

The plausible defenders of the wrong would have us reclothe ourselves 
in the cast-off garments of arbitrary power ; to exchange the institutions 
which bred Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln for the system which pro- 
duces Napoleons, great and little, Metternichs and Bismarcks. And yet, 


as Lowell reminds us, "universal suffrage has not been the instrument of 
greater unwisdom than contrivances of more select description/' and he 
shows that assemblies composed entirely of Masters of Arts, Doctors of 
Divinity, Serene Highnesses and Enlightened Classes, have not carried 
on the business of mankind so well as to discourage a less costly method. 

Imperialism is a reversion to serene highnesses and masters of arts; in 
this case highnesses of wealth and masters of the art of impoverishing the 
people, at the same time persuading them that the process is an enriching 
one. Are we ready for the right-about-face? We threw oil' the yoke of 
this same gentry; now we propose to be gentry ourselves and impose our 
yoke on others. It was an ancient saying that whoever puts a chain upon" 
a slave is sure to bind one end of it about his own neck. The chain that 
binds the Philippines will, unless broken, strangle the liberty of the 
United States. 

The story of the Talmud, which Wendell Phillips applied so forcibly 
to Daniel Webster, fits William McKiuley equally well : "Og, King of 
Bashan, lifted once a great rock, to hurl it on the army of Judah. God 
hollowed it in the middle, letting it slip over the giant's neck, there to rest 
while he lived." The stone hurled by the President of the United States 
at the Filipinos in their struggle for freedom will weight his own neck as 
long as the history of the times shall last. 

It was not until the fate of Porto Rico came before the Congress for 
final settlement that the American people realized how far they had been 
committed by the McKiuley administration to the policy of empire-at- 
any-cost and the rule of the money power. In his annual message in 
December last, the President spoke of our "plain duty" to accord a full 
measure of free trade to the Porto Ricans. As he pointed out, these 
islanders had been received into the republic under promises and upon 
terms which admitted of no other arrangement. They were, like our- 
selves, under the Constitution, and the Constitution expressly provides 
that freedom of trade shall prevail between all the constituent units of 
the republic. This position had never been controverted, or even ques- 
tion.ed ; on the contrary, it had been asserted time and again by the high- 
est courts until it was received everywhere as one of the fundamental 
maxims of our government. It was only natural that President Mc- 
Kinley, a man of no startling originality, but familiar with the ordinary 
precepts of law, should choose the occasion of his annual message to 
apply so obvious a principle to so important a subject. 


What followed is a matter of very recent history. The shame and 
degradation of it can never be wiped away from American annals. The 
people, accustomed from the beginning to regard the Constitution as the 
supreme law of the land, had silently acquiesced in the President's recom- 
mendation and looked to see their Porto Rican fellow-citizens speedily 
established upon a basis suitable to the promises made in the name of the 
republic under which they had surrendered their allegiance to Spain and 
welcomed the invading army of the United States with hospitable acclaim. 
What then was their surprise and indignation when the Congress, upon 
taking up the Porto Rican question, was confronted with a formidable 
lobby, both within and without its membership, demanding the levy of a 
tariff upon Porto Rican trade. The impudence of this lobby, its brazen 
disregard for popular sentiment, the greedy air of ownership which it as- 
serted over the representatives of the people, are things only to be under- 
stood in the light of the prominence which lobbyists and other agents of 
corruption have assumed under the present administration. Representa- 
tives and senators, who in obedience to the first impulses of honesty and 
duty had declared themselves on the side of .the President's first position, 
were brought before star chamber tribunals, representing the multi- 
millionaire trusts and there confronted with threats or cajoleries under 
whose influence they subsequently stood up in the halls of legislation and 
openly ate their own words. 

Worse still was to follow. The President himself, moved by in- 
fluences which no American would willingly name, publicly stultified 
himself, recanted the honest declarations in his message, and before the 
eyes of a wondering and shame-stricken world, executed a volte-face upon 
a question of prime constitutional importance. From being an advocate 
of the constitutional rights of Porto Rico, the President of the United 
States set up as an apologist of tariffs levied within the confines of the 
republic. The successor of Washington and Jefferson became an advo- 
cate of the odious doctrine that taxation may be levied without repre- 
sentation. The successor of Lincoln was heard to plead for one sort of 
law for the white man, another for the man whose skin is dark. A Presi- 
dent of the United States was seen to shape his policy, not only in stulti- 
fication of his own avowed principles and in violation of the Constitution 
as interpreted- by himself, but also in obedience to influences of whose real 
character and origin no American is ignorant. 

In this crisis for American liberty and self-government, the American 


people spoke with no uncertain voice. Instantly and from every corner 
of the country, arose an all but universal protest. The popular indigna- 
tion was confined to no party and no section of the country; for the 
moment all Americans were Democrats and spoke with one voice in pro- 
test against an obvious outrage upon popular government. 

But the people spoke in vain. Influences which were powerful 
enough to force the President of the United States into so odious a posi- 
tion, and which could compel representatives in Congress shamelessly 
to abandon their avowed principles, proved to be more powerful than the 
expressed will of the people. The voice of the President was eventually 
added to the voice of those interests which demanded that the Constitu- 
tion be overthrown and a tariff levied upon the Porto Rican trade. With 
his back to a justly incensed people, Mr. McKinley became the willing 
advocate of the trust demands. As such he employed all the power of his 
great office to cajole or coerce congressmen into sharing his own interests. 
"I voted for the Porto Kicau tariff bill," wrote an Indiana congressman 
to his Republican constituents, "at the earnest solicitation of President 
McKinley and the leaders of the Republican party." Such was the ex- 
perience of scores of honest representatives of the people; whose honesty, 
however, was no match to the imperious demands of a compact and ruth- 
less money power. 

Such a spectacle was never seen before in a free republic. But for the 
hope of a restoration to the people of the sovereignty thus openly wrested 
from their hands, it might be said that popular liberty in the United 
States then and there received its death blow. 

The imperialistic purpose of the administration in pushing through 
the Porto Rican tariff bill was made only the more manifest in a "rider" 
added to that measure by the express official request of the President 
himself. In a special message to Congress on March 2, the President 
advocated the novel theory that a great political wrong can be righted by 
the substitution of charity for justice. He accordingly recommended 
that the two million dollars, up to that time collected on products coming 
from Porto Rico to the ports of the United States under the Dingley law, 
be created into a fund for the temporary relief of the islanders. A bill to 
this effect, was rushed through and the Porto Ricans were further out- 
raged by being made the recipients of charity from the hands which had 
shamelessly deprived them of their lawful rights. 

But here again the chief sufferers from these unconstitutional acts 


were not the faraway islanders upon whom they were perpetrated, but the 
people of the United States. Any act of injustice is reflected with greater 
force upon the person or the people by whom it is committed. As in the 
case of the Philippine islands, it was here evident that the purpose of 
the President as inspired by his new "guide, philosopher and friend," the 
money power, was really to release Congress from Constitutional limita- 
tions and to create in his own person a power higher than the Constitu- 
tion, higher than any law. It would appear that this purpose was even 
present in the President's mind when he dictated that significant clause 
in the treaty at Paris which provides : 

"That the civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of 
the territories hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by 

Previous to this remarkable pronouncement, the status of treaty law 
had been supposed to rest upon Article 6, clause 2 of the Constitution of 
the United States, which declares that all treaties made under the au- 
thority of the United States shall be, together with the Constitution and 
the laws enacted in pursuance of it, the supreme law of the land. 

But upon that clause in the Paris treaty a complacent committee of 
the United States Senate, working wholly, as it would appear, to carry 
out the purpose and instructions of the same interests that inspired the 
President, based the novel contention that the natives of Porto Rico had 
no civil or political rights which any American Congress may not over- 
ride at will ; that these unfortunates are wholly beyond the protection of 
the Constitution. 

The newspaper organs of the President took up the fight in behalf of 
their (and his) chiefs, and presently the land resounded with noisy 
denials of all the maxims of government which had hitherto been ac- 
cepted as fundamentally true. The people read with fresh astonishment 
impudent denials that the Constitution is the supreme law of the land. 
"The Constitution does not follow the flag," these noisy advocates de- 
clared. It is within the power of Congress to levy taxes upon the Porto 
Ricans, although the Porto Ricans have no representation in the Con- 
gress. Such doctrine was brazenly avowed by the official successors of 
the men who had taken up arms against King George's army because they 
were taxed in a British Parliament in which they were denied representa- 

It is not partisan zeal which speaks in these terms of this shameful 


episode in our history. The Democracy appeals from the orgy of law- 
lessness lately perpetrated at Washington to these words of Chief Justice 
Marshall, uttered in the case of Loughborough v. Blake (15 Wheatou, 
319), referring to the very question involved in the Porto Rican tariff 

"The power to lay and collect tax duties, imposts and excises may be 
exercised and must be exercised throughout the United States. Does this 
term designate the whole or any particular portion of the American em- 
pire? Certainly this question can admit of but one answer. It is the 
name given to our great republic. It is composed of States and Terri- 
tories; the District of Columbia, or the territory west of the Missouri is 
not less within the United States than Maryland or Pennsylvania, and it 
is not less necessary on the principles of our Constitution that uniformity 
in the imposition of imposts, duties and excises shall be observed in the 
one than in the other." 

Only this last step in the course of imperialism was needed to awaken 
the American people to a sense of the danger with which their rights are 
confronted. The Democratic party from the beginning has pointed out 
that this war has been waged in pursuance of the policy of imperialism. 
Its political opponents had not hitherto fully recognized the truth of this 
contention. They had seen martial law prevailing under the American 
flag in the Philippines, but have regarded that condition as a temporary 
and necessary step to the establishment of a civil government in those 
islands. Many patriotic Americans have honestly believed that neither 
the Filipinos nor the Porto Ricans could be trusted immediately with a 
full measure of self-government, but few if any, have doubted until now 
that that blessing was soon to be accorded to these islanders under the 
terms of our agreement with them and in accordance with the spirit of the 
American Constitution. 

Such dreams have been dispelled rudely by the Porto Rico tariff bill. 
The imperialistic character of that measure is not to be mistaken. It 
distinctly denies that the Constitutional guarantee of equal rights as to 
taxation. It makes the Congress superior to the Constitution and the 
President superior to the Congress. As to who and what interests are 
superior to the President, it leaves a wide field for inference. In a word, 
it definitely commits the Republican party by specific legislation to the 
policy of imperialism which the Democrats have charged against it from 
the beginning. 


The revolt which has followed within the ranks of the Republican 
party, bodes no good for the permanence of that organization in the 
supreme power, but it promises nothing but good for the people, smarting 
under a sense of rights invaded and liberties outraged, for it means the 
speedy restoration to the Democracy of the power delegated to false 

The real purpose of the money power in creating this new empire with 
the President at its head and fastening an increased standing army upon 
the people to enforce its rule, has been manifested with startling em- 
phasis in the recent struggle between organized labor and the plutocracy 
in the Coeur d'Alenes. The sequel to that unhappy conflict is still in 
progress, though the fact may be scarcely known, or if known almost 
forgotten, by the majority of the people. It has been a part of the policy 
of capitalism which precipitated the conflict to keep the voters in ignor- 
ance of the real facts. From April, 1899, when the first outbreak oc- 
curred, until the present day, an inspired press has belittled the affair, 
concealing or perverting all occurrences that could throw light upon the 
lawlessness of the capitalistic anarchists who own the mines, but dwell- 
ing with unconcealed delight upon the outbreaks of exasperated labor. 
Of the Press Associations the largest has been practically silent concern- 
ing an affair which in some important respects is the most vital that has 
occurred in America since the Civil War. Only one large newspaper sent 
a correspondent to the scene. There has seemed to be an almost uni- 
versal conspiracy to suppress the truth. What is here written is the re- 
sult of a personal visit by the writer to the district and a careful investi- 
gation of the facts, conducted with some difficulty in the face of obstacles 
imposed by the mine owners, but with no other desire than to learn the 

There is no disposition on the part of the Democracy to excuse the 
crime with which the Coeur d'Alene incident began. This was committed 
on April 29, 1899, when a body of 150 union miners at Burke, Idaho, 
seized a freight train and, joined by other miners at Mace, Gem and other 
points, proceeded to Wardner and blew up with dynamite the concentra- 
tor belonging- to the consolidated Bunker Hill and Sullivan mine. The 
shooting of James Cheyiie, which occurred during this riotous perform- 
ance, is no more to be excused than the murder of any man. It was a 
disgraceful crime, committed in the name of organized labor, and dearly 
has organized labor paid for it. 


Neither is this crime to be extenuated on account of the warrantable 
exasperation of the union miners at the time when it was committed. 
The Bunker Hill and Sullivan mine was at this time the only one in the 
district not employing union labor. It was a Standard Oil property, and 
its scale of wages was considerably less than that prevailing in the other 
mines. Pursuant to an agreement with its employes, these wages were 
finally raised to the union scale, but the mine owners made this increase 
the occasion for a fresh and unwarrantable attack upon the unions, and 
this conduct upon their part was the beginning of a quarrel which cul- 
minated eventually in the disgraceful scenes of April 29. 

But neither the murder of Cheyne nor any other offense against the 
criminal law, can compare for atrocity, much less for the menace implied 
against public order and the supremacy of the law, with the manifold 
offenses since committed by the civil authorities of Idaho, abetted by the 
administration at Washington, backed up by the army of the United 
States and inspired throughout by the arrogant monopolists owning the 
mine. The Democracy has no apology for crime in any form, whether 
manslaughter or murder, or the overthrow of personal liberty and con- 
stitutional order by men in high positions and of great wealth. If one 
offense be more serious than the other, it is the latter, whose consequences 
are not to be measured by their immediate and personal influence, but 
extend throughout our whole system of government with effects which 
are felt for all time by all the people. 

The story of the riot of militarism serving the ends of plutocracy, 
which ensued upon the events described, may be briefly told here, to many 
readers perhaps for the first time. On April 30 following the explosion, 
the rioters, having then dispersed, and the district being quiet, telegrams 
began to pour into Washington, asking, demanding of the President and 
the secretary of war and other officials that a military force be dispatched 
to the Coeur d'Alenes. The first of these messages came from D. O. Mills, 
an officer of the Standard Oil Company, resident in New York city. 
Others were sent by William S. Crocker, a San Francisco banker, and by 
various Chicago capitalists and mine owners. One was a personal appeal 
by wire to the President's secretary, asking him on the score of personal 
friendship to use his influence to have the army sent at once. None of 
these gentlemen was on the scene of the disorder he so eloquenth* de- 
scribed, or could possibly have had personal knowledge of the state of af- 
fairs which in bis judgment called for instant interference by the mill- 


tary. The district, as has been said, was already calm, but the governor 
of the State, Frank Steunenberg, contributed to the panic at Washington 
by telegraphing that an insurrection existed in Shoshone County beyond 
the power of the State to control. As a matter of fact, no insurrection, 
even constructively, existed, and if it had, the State authorities had by no 
means exhausted their resource for controlling it, as their oath of office 
required them to do before appealing to Washington for military aid. 

The response from Washington was, of course, prompt and decisive. 
No appeal, reasonable or unreasonable, from citizens of this class, is ever 
made in vain to a Republican administration. President McKinley at 
once telegraphed to Gen. Merriam at Denver to proceed at once to the 
Coeur d'Alenes. By May 2 the troops began to arrive, the first command 
being a battalion of negroes. The soldiers began by arresting everybody 
found on the streets, including a school master and several traveling men. 
Troops were stationed at the mouth of all the mines and every miner was 
arrested as he came to the surface. No less than 1,300 men were thus 
gathered in and herded together in box cars, where for 24 hours they were 
detained under conditions which simply may not be described. Indeed 
the barbarity attending the incarceration of hundreds of men for months 
at a time in the now historic "bull-pen" surpasses the power of words to 
describe. Such cruelty could only have been inflicted by men well in- 
structed in lawlessness from a higher authority. 

But this was by no means the worst. No degree of physical suffering 
can compare with the outrages perpetrated in the name of law and upon 
every principle of personal liberty and constitutional right by the State 
authorities of Idaho, by Federal officers and by the military. The men 
arrested and herded in the "bull-pen" were never served with warrants, 
and after having been held for a period ranging from three weeks to eight 
months, hundreds of them were finally discharged without either acquittal 
or conviction, the whole proceedings have been utterly without warrant 
of law. They were denied a trial in a civil court with or without a jury. 
Finally, when they were set free in this lawless manner, they were re- 
quired as a condition precedent to their liberation to renounce all con- 
nection, present or future, with the labor unions. 

The law of Idaho on the subject of labor unions is explicit It forbids 
any employer to discriminate in the. hiring of men on account of union 
connections. It provides that all labor troubles must be settled if either 
party make requests by arbitration. This law has consistently been 


violated by the owners of the Bunker Hill and Sullivan mine. It was now 
even more grossly violated by the governor of Idaho and his official as- 
sociates and subordinates. 

There seemed to be no limit to the conduct of these official anarchists. 
The habeas corpus was suspended by Governor Steunenberg, though, as 
has been held by the Supreme Court, that is a function of the legislative, 
not of the executive branch of government. The governor placed the dis- 
trict under control of a man named Sinclair, who, without color of au- 
thority, forthwith issued a proclamation declaring the miners' unions to 
be "criminal organizations" and compelling all the men incarcerated in 
the bull-pen to get a permit from Dr. Hugh France before they were set 
at liberty and permitted to ask for work. No permit was issued until the 
applicant had signed a written statement in which he made a written 
pledge not to connect himself with a labor union. At this dis- 
tance it might be asked what union labor has to do witli the execution of 
the law or with considerations of personal liberty, but such questions were 
not asked by the official law breakers in the Coeur d'Alene district. Such 
questions are not asked there to-day, for Gov. Steunenberg has expressly 
declared that his regime of anarchy is to continue in the Coeur d'Alene 
district while he remains in office for I wo years yet to come. 

France, in whom this despot ism was vested, is an employe of the Bun- 
ker Hill and Sullivan mine, which is perhaps ;i sufficient commentary on 
his appointment to such a position. He is also coroner of Shoshone County 
and, by appointment of the governor, acting sheriff, the regularly elected 
sheriff, together with three of the county commissioners having been 
arbitrarily removed from office by the governor for alleged failure to per- 
form their duties. The people of the county who elected these officers 
had made no complaint of this character, but the governor simply de- 
clared that the people were not competent judges of their own affairs. 

As coroner of the county, France held the inquest on the body of 
Cheyne. At this farcical trial another riot of lawlessness was en- 
acted. The court-room was guarded by armed soldiers. The prisoners, 
if they may be so called, were not allowed to see counsel. Witnesses were 
brought from the bull-pen under guard of troops and threatened on the 
way with all sorts of violence if they refused to testify as they were asked. 

The net result of all this perversion of the law was the conviction of 
one man on the charge of manslaughter and of eleven for riot. Their 
cases are now pending on appeal. Three mon died in the bull-pen of dis- 


ease induced by exposure and cruelty. One other, who went insane, es- 
caped and flung himself into the river, was shot to death by the soldiers 
on the bank. His case was reported to the War Department by the com- 
manding officer as one of "suicide." More than once troops were sent 
across the border into the adjacent State of Montana in pursuit of fugitive 
miners. The governor of Montana protested against this lawless pro- 
cedure, but the invasions continued so long as any miners were suspected 
of being within the confines of Montana. Another characteristic proc- 
lamation by the Steunenberg anarchists was one forbidding the other 
mines in the district from employing men not bearing the Standard Oil 
certificate of their freedom from union affiliations. Not only were men 
forbidden to work when they wanted to work, but others were compelled 
against their will at the point of the bayonet to serve at the pumps of a 
mine which they had abandoned. Perhaps this is the only incident in the 
history of the United States where the military power has been employed 
to compel men in time of peace to perform labor against their will. 

But as has been said, these personal outrages are insignificant in com- 
parison to the wounds which have been inflicted in this riot of militarism 
upon the rights of the people as guaranteed by the Constitution and the 
laws. Three years ago, before the standard of empire was raised by the 
plutocracy, it would have been said that such outrages committed under 
color of authority, were impossible in a free country. No American then 
expected to see them perpetrated under the Stars and Stripes. The story 
is told here at length because it is a new and dreadfully alarming mani- 
festation of the power which plutocracy can bring to its aid with a com- 
placent administration at Washington to serve its will. 

In its administration of the affairs of Cuba, the McKinley administra- 
tion has given a foretaste of what imperialism means with the money 
power at the helm. It has been a riot of robbery and criminal extrava- 
gance from the start. The President's pet concessionaires have had a 
free hand with the revenues of the island for two years, with the result 
that the United States is now held up to the contempt of the world by the 
wholesale criminality of its high officials. Even the Cubans, accustomed 
for years to Spanish thievery, are aghast at the peculations lately dis- 
covered in the Post Office Department. The extent of these operations is 
not yet determined, but it is certain to reach into the millions. 

Unhappily for the President, the chief culprit proves to be a valued 
political ally and adviser, an intimate friend and former business asso- 


ciate of one of the chiefs in the Post Office Department at Washington, 
while the director of the Cuban Posts is an Ohio politician of great promi- 
nence, an appointee of Senator Hanna, of whose notorious campaign for 
re-election he was the manager. These connections, already known to 
the public, give only a hint as to what high place may be reached when 
the lines of corruption have been followed to their real source. The 
friends of honest government look for no assistance to this end from the 
present administration. True, the chief culprits in the Cuban Post Office 
robbery, so far as these have been discovered, have been removed from 
office and a pretended investigation is in progress. But there is no pros- 
pect that the whole truth will be made public before the November elec- 
tion. Indeed, Senator Bacon's eloquent plea for an official inquiry ly 
Congress has already been contemptuously shelved in committee by the 
Republican leaders. 

The same fate has attended all the efforts of the anti-imperialists in 
Congress to have the administration redeem the nation's pledge and give 
to Cuba a free and independent government. The imperialists have no 
intention of making good this solemn promise. Their friends, the syn- 
dicates and concessionaires, will not allow it. The interest of these 
worthies in the island is not one of theoretic justice, but of cold cash. 
Cuba is to them a Held for financial exploitation, not for political experi- 
ment. The most valuable concession in the island, involving the control 
of the entire Cuban railroad system, now existing or to be built, is already 
in the possession of a Canadian-American syndicate made up of leading 
Republicans and bogus Democrats, whose relations with the administra- 
tion are well known. They had influence enough at Washington to secure 
the reduction in the Cuban tariff of the schedule on railroad ties from 40 
per cent to 10 per cent, a saving to the syndicate of $400,000, which, of 
course, was taken from the revenues of the needy Cubans, besides being a 
direct violation of the principles on which the schedule was ostensibly 
drawn up. It now appears that the Commissioner of Customs, through 
whom this reduction was effected, a Republican politician of the highest 
standing and a distinguished advocate of high tariffs (for Americans) 
is now traveling in Europe in the interest of the same .syndicate. This 
official drew $500 a month from the government for his services in Cuba, 
which it would appear were rendered chiefly in the interest of the syn- 
dicate whose prosperity depends largely upon government for the ex- 
ploitation of the Cubans. 


Such affiliations as these show an intimate association or conspiracy 
existing between the imperialistic administration and the money interest. 
An absolute one-man power, backed by contempt for legal and constitu- 
tional restrictions and safeguards, becomes a powerful tool for the plu- 
tocracy. The sufferers are primarily the unlucky islanders in the "new 
colonies," but the good name and still more the integrity of this republic, 
the right and power of the people of the United States to govern them- 
selves, suffer infinitely more. An expert accountant can trace the pecu- 
lations of a thieving post office official at Havana and fasten upon him the 
ostensible guilt, but meanwhile the actual culprit is a great man at Wash- 
ington, who has paid his shady political debts by the appointment of 
rascals to positions of trust and who himself may be the beneficiary of 
gigantic concessions, fraudulent contracts and other devices of corrup- 

The Democracy will not be satisfied with the mere detection and pun- 
ishment of the minor thieves. It demands that the whole conspiracy 
be laid bare and that this unholy alliance between imperialism and plu- 
tocracy be driven from power. Our armies invaded the islands 
with the pretended purpose of giving the Cubans self govern- 
ment in place of Spanish misrule. The Spaniards were driven out, but 
they have been replaced by an army of American cormorants, tax eaters 
and corruptionists, The civil list in Cuba for 1899 alone amounted to 
$3,000,000, and thus far the best return which the Cubans have had for 
this enormous expenditure from their revenues has been an example of 
official thievery surpassing even their liberal views of corruption. No 
wonder that such of the islanders who have not been placated by office 
are plotting revolt against the American occupation or acquiesce but sul- 
lenly in the new regime. 

It is perhaps but natural that the underlings of the administration 
should plunder and steal when the position in which the government has 
been placed by their superiors at Washington is one of utter falsehood 
and dishonesty. Mr. Spooner of Wisconsin, the President's apologist 
in the Senate for his Philippine policy, said in a speech before that body 
only the other day : "We propose to enforce the authority of this gov- 
ernment in the islands to give that people honest, even-handed justice 
and good government, * * * We shall give them such share in the 
government as they show themselves fitted for. If the time come when 
the Filipinos show the ability to govern themselves, the American people 


will give them self government." This consistent expression of the 
imperialistic policy is a far cry from the words of the first and greatest 
of Republican Presidents, Abraham Lincoln, who, in a speech at Chicago 
on July 10, 1858, had this to say on a very similar subject: 

"The arguments that are made that the inferior race are to be treated 
with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that as much 
is to be done for them as their condition will allow what are these 
arguments? They are the arguments that kings have made for the en- 
slaving of the people in all ages of the world. You will find that all the 
arguments of kingcraft were always of this class; they always bestrode 
the necks of the people; not that they wanted to do it, but because the 
people were better off for being ridden. Turn it any way you will, 
whether it come from the mouth of a king as an excuse for enslaving the 
people of his country, or from the mouth of mennrf one race, it is all the 
same serpent." 

"NVe are to 'bestow' the blessings of a good, a stable government 
upon them!" says the Rev. Herbert Migclow, speaking of the McKinley 
policy. "Sir, we have been reared in the political faith that governments 
are derived and not bestowed. Tell the coolies of China; tell the fella- 
heen of Egypt, tell the pariahs of India that governments are bestowed 
upon them. Rut tell the president of the Tinted States upon whom we 
have bestowed some limited power for a brief season, that such language 
is offensive to the American ear." 

Great Britain is the trusted ally of the Mclvinley administration, 
a silent partner in all its imperialistic schemes, the model upon which 
its policy is formed. Secretary Hay has repeatedly denied that such 
an alliance exists. His denials are doubtless true as to a former treaty, 
for no such compact could be made without the assent of the Senate and 
notice to the people. But a mutual regard and admiration subsists 
between the imperialists of England and their servile friends and imi- 
tators at \Yashington. This has been revealed at every development of 
the McKinley policy. Our government may be sure of the cordial ap- 
proval of England, or of any other monarchy, in all acts tending to the 
overthrow of democracy at home or abroad. The kings of Europe look 
with pleasure upon the spectacle of American armies in the Philippines 
repressing every attempt of the native population for self government, 
and using the form of a "benevolent protectorate" to exploit the Cubans, 


or to exclude the trusting Porto Ricans from even the semblance of 
American citizenship. 

We are told that this government is under no pledge or promise to 
set up the republican form in these islands, or to admit the West Indians 
to American citizenship. The assertion is false. Even if there were no 
such express promise but there is the traditions of this government, 
the spirit of its institutions, is a standing pledge to all humanity that in 
every struggle of the oppressed, every revolt against tyranny we, as 
Americans, shall be on the side of the people, not of the tyrant. On this 
subject, who so eloquent as John Hay in the days before he became inocu- 
lated with the poison of imperialism, while he was not yet a diplomat, 
but still a poet and a friend of the people? Here are his words: 

"For all in vain will timorous ones assay 

To set the metes and bounds of Liberty. 
For Freedom is its own eternal law. 

It makes its own conditions and in storm 

Or calm alike fulfils the unerring will. 
For always in thine eyes, O Liberty ! 

Shines that high light whereby the world is saved; 
And, though thou slay us, we will trust in thee!" 



It is interesting to place side by side the words now employed by Presi- 
dent McKinley and his apologists in justification of his Philippine policy, 
with the famous words of King George III, of England, in his proclama- 
tion of 1776. 

"That Congress will provide for them (the Filipinos) a government 
which will bring them blessings, which will promote their material inter- 
ests, as well as advance their people in the paths of civilization and in- 
telligence, I confidently believe," said Mr. M< -Kinley in a speech at Min- 
neapolis, Oct. 12, 1899. 

"I am desirous," wrote the English monarch, "of restoring to them 
(American colonists) the blessings of law, which they have fatally and 
desperately exchanged for the calamities of war, and the arbitrary 
tyranny of their chiefs." 

Contrast also the President's pious (or impious) assumption of divine 
guidance in his imperialistic policy, with the records of the War Depart- 
ment at the beginning of the war. "The Philippines," said Major Mc- 
Kinley in a speech at Boston, Feb. 16, 1899, "like Cuba and Porto Rico, 
were entrusted to our hands by the Providence of God." 

And again at Redfield, S. D., Oct. 14, 1899, "In the providence of God, 
who works in mysterious ways, this great archipelago was put into our 

But here are the instructions sent to Admiral (then Rear Admiral) 
Dewey by Theodore Roosevelt, assistant Secretary of the Navy, Feb. 25, 
1898: "Secret and confidential. * * * Keep full of coal. In the 
event of declaration of war with Spain, your duty will be to see that the 
Spanish squadron does not leave the Asiatic coast, and then offensive 
operations in Philippine Islands." 

"There is every reason to believe," cabled Dewey from Ilong Kong on 
March 31 following, "that, with Manila taken or even blockaded, the rest 
of the islands would fall to the insurgents or ourselves." 

Equally interesting and even more important is the much debated 
question of our relations to Aguinaldo and his associates at the beginning 



of the war and the obligations assumed on behalf of this government by 
our representatives. Here again the official records are conclusive. 
They show the existence of a clear and friendly understanding which has 
since been grossly violated under pretext of honorable warfare. The 
following extracts from Sea. Doc. 62 are in point : 

"Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here, will come Hong Kong arrange 
with Commodore for general co-operation insurgents Manila if desired." 
U. 8. Consul-General Pratt, Singapore, to Commodore Dewey, Hong 
Kong, April 24, 1898. Senate Doe. 62, p. 342. 

"Tell Aguiualdo to come soon as possible." 

Commodore Dewey to Conxnl-Ufnenil Pratt, April 24, 1898. hi. /,. 

"General Aguinaldo gone my instance Hong Kong arrange with 
Dewey co-operation insurgents Manila.'' 

Consul-General Pratt, to ticci/. Dai/, .1 ///// .'T, /,s.W. Id. />. .?.'//. 

"Large supply of rifles should be taken for insurgent allies." 
Consul Wildman, Hong Kong, May 19, 1898, to Secretary Dai/, ^en- 
ate Doc. 62, p. 336. 

"I have given him ( Aguinaldo ) to understand that I consider the in- 
surgents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to 
attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil 
government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but 
has kept me advised of his progress, which has been wonderful. I have 
allowed to pass by water, recruits, arms and ammunition, and to take such 
Spanish arms and ammunition from the arsenal as he needed. Have 
advised frequently to conduct the war humanely, which he has done in- 

Rear-Admiral Deuwy to Secretary Long, June 27, 1898. AppcmH.r 
Bureau Navigation Report, p. 103. 

"General: * * * * I desire to have the most amicable rela- 
tions with you, and to have you and your people co-operate with us in 
military operations against the Spanish forces." 

Genl. Thomas M. Anderson to Aguinaldo, July 4, 1898. Senate Doc. 
62, p. 390. 


"General : The bearer, Maj. J. F. Bell, U. S. A., was sent by Maj. Gen. 
Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., to collect for him, by the time of his arrival, 
certain information concerning the topography of the country surround- 
ing Manila. I would be obliged if you would permit him to see your maps 
and place at his disposal any information you may have on the above sub- 
jects, and also give him a letter or pass addressed to your subordinates 
which will authorize them to furnish him any information they can on 
these subjects, and to facilitate his passage along the lines upon a recon- 
naissance around Manila." 

Qenl. Thomas M. Anderson tn Ayiiinaldo, July 19, 1898. Senate Doc. 
62, p. 393. 

"I came from Hong Kong to prevent my countrymen from making 
common cause with the Spanish against the North Americans." 

Af/uinaldo to Gen. Thomas M. Amh-r.^m, July 24, 1898. Senate Doc. 
62, p. 394. 

"General: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your ex- 
cellency to give what assistance you could to procure means of 
transportation for the American Army, as it was to fight in the cause of 
your people. So far we have received no response. As you represent 
your people, I now have the honor to make requisition on you for 500 
horses and 50 oxen and ox carts." 

Gen. Anderson to Ayninulda, .Inly .>.i. 1898. Senate Doc. 62, p. .i 

"General: Replying to your letter of yesterday, I have the honor to 
manifest to your excellency that I am surprised beyond measure at that 
which you say to me in it, lamenting the non-receipt of any response rela- 
tive to the needs (or aids) that you asked of me in the way of horses, 
buffaloes, and carts, because I replied in a precise manner, through the 
bearer, that I was disposed to give convenient orders whenever you ad- 
vised me the number of these with due anticipation (notice). 

"I have circulated orders in the provinces in the proximity that in the 
shortest time possible horses be brought for sale. * * * I have also 
ordered to be placed at my disposal 50 carts that I shall place at your dis- 

Aguinaldo to Gen. Thomas M. Anderson, July 24, 1898. Senate Doc. 
62, p. 395. 


"You ought to understand that without the long siege sustained by my 
forces you might have obtained possession of the ruins of the city, but 
never the surrender of the Spanish forces, who eould have retired to the 
interior towns. * * * I do not complain of the disowning of our help 
in the mentioned capitulation, although justice resents it greatly, and I 
have to bear the well-founded blame of my people. * * * I hope that 
this time you will manifest the spirit of justice that pertains to such a 
free and admirably constituted government as that of the United States 
of America." 

Emilio Aguinaldo to Oenl Merritt, August 21, 1898. Report of Genl 
Otis, for 1899, p. 5. Senate Doc. 62, p. 403. 

In reply to above by Genl. Otis, successor in command to Genl. Mer- 
ritt, addressed to "The Commanding General of the Philippine Forces/' 
dated September 8, 1898, occur these words : 

"It only remains for me to respectfully notify you that I am compelled 
by my instructions to direct that your armed forces evacuate the entire 
city of Manila, including its suburbs and defenses, and that I shall be 
obliged to take act ion within a very short space of time should you decline 
to comply with my Government's demands (that Aguinaldo surrender 
positions within suburbs and city of Manila captured by his forces during 
siege) ; and I hereby serve notice on you that unless your troops are with- 
drawn beyond the line of the city's defenses before Thursday, the 15th 
instant, I shall be obliged to resort to forcible action, and that my govern- 
ment will hold you responsible for any unfortunate consequences which 
may ensue. * * * I have conferred freely with Admiral Dewey upon 
the contents of this communication, and am delegated by him to state that 
he fully approves of the same in all respects; that the commands of our 
government compel us to act as here indicated, and that between our re- 
spective forces there will be unanimity and complete concert of action." 

Genl. Otis' Report, p. 9. 

"Had it not been arranged for General Aguinaldo thus to co-operate 
with us, it is more than probable that he would have returned to the 
islands of his own accord and undertaken independent operations, which 
might, I fear, have caused us serious embarrassment." 

Consul-General Pratt, Singapore, June 21, 1898, to Assistant Secre- 
tary Moore. Senate Doc. 62, p. 356. 


"The United States Government, through its naval commander, has to 
some extent made use of them for a distinct military purpose, viz., to 
harass and annoy the Spanish troops, to wear them out in the trenches, 
to blockade Manila on the laud side, and to do as much damage as possible 
to the Spanish government prior to the arrival of our troops; and for this 
purpose the admiral allowed them to take arms and munitions which he 
had captured at Cavite, and their ships to pass in and out of Manila Bay 
in their expeditions gainst other provinces." 

F. V. Greene, Mujor-(i< mr<il I . X. \'., Icjorc Peace Comtnixxion at 
Paris, August SO, 1890. Senate Doc. 62, i>. .'i.!'/. 

"Mr. Freye: * * * * Suppose the United States in the progress 
of that war found the leader of the present Philippine rebellion an exile 
from his country in Hong Kong and sent for him and brought him to the 
islands in an American ship, and then furnished him 4,000 or 5,000 
stands of arms, and allowed him to purchase" as many more stands of 
arms in Hong Kong, and accepted his aid in conquering Luzon, what 
kind of a nation in the eyes of the world, would we appear to be to sur- 
render Aguinaldo and his insurgents to Spain to be dealt with as they 

"A. (ComiiHiiKlrr Until fvnl I . We became responsible for every- 
thing he has done. He is our ally, and we are bound to protect him." 

Sta1< incut of CoiiiDKiiKln- tt. It. linnlforil, I . N. \(iri/. October I }, 
1898, before Peace Comniixximirr ut Pnri*. ,sVm//r i)o<-. o'<>, />. 

"For a hundred years," said e\-An<ii nev-( leneral Harmon in his 
speech of farewell to Commissioner Taft, at Cincinnati, last .March, "we 
had to content ourselves with words of sympathy for peoples struggling, 
as we once struggled, for freedom and independence, Here for the first 
time an opportunity came to help in such a struggle without breaking 
our settled policy. We joined ranks with the native patriots against a 
common enemy. Whether any one made, or was authorized to make, 
promises to them is of no consequence. Our history and principles are :i 
perpetual promise; and no one will deny that when the Filipinos joined 
forces with us they believed, and we knew they believed, that success 
would mean the fulfillment of their hopes. We should have resented a 
request for a promise that we would not do beyond the seas what we had 
pledged ourselves not to do at our own shores. No American can truly 
say that during the struggle he had any other idea. If anybody then as 


O iO 

sumed to sit in judgment on the fitness of others to have rights which we 
hold to be inalienable, nobody dreamed of questioning the fitness for free- 
dom and independence of men, who to gain them, had risked their lives, 
their fortunes, and their sacred honor." 

"A republic is organized here as in Cuba," wrote our Consul Mr. 
Williams, from Manila, to the State Department, Feb. 22, 1898. "Gen- 
eral Aguinaldo's policy embraces the independence of the Philippines," 
the Singapore "Free Press" said on May 5 following in an article which 
Consul-General Pratt forwarded to Judge Day, Secretary of State. 
"American protection would be desirable temporarily on the same lines 
as that which might be instituted hereafter in Cuba." 

It cannot be pretended that our government has acted blindly or with- 
out knowledge of the facts. 

"I wish to put myself on record," wrote Consul Wildmau to Secretary 
Day in July, 1898, "as stating that the insurgent government of the 
Philippines cannot be dealt with as though they were North American 
Indians, willing to be removed from one reservation to another at the 
whim of their masters." 

As for Aguinaldo, his understanding of the status is sufficiently ex- 
pressed in the proclamation he issued at Cavite, May 24, 1898: 

"Filipinos : The great nation, North America, cradle of true liberty, 
and friendly on that account to the liberty of our people, * * has 
come to manifest even here a protection which is decisive as well as dis- 
interested toward us, considering us endowed with sufficient civilization 
to govern by ourselves this our unhappy land. I have pro- 

claimed in the face of the whole world that the aspiration of my whole 
life, the final object of all my efforts and strength, is nothing else but 
your independence, for I am fully convinced that that constitutes your 
constant desire, and that independence signifies for us redemption from 
slavery and tyranny, regaining our liberty, and entrance into the concert 
of civilized nations." 

General Thomas M. Anderson, in the "North American Review" for 
February, 1900, has stated the case with unmistakable clearness. 

"Whether Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman and Williams 


did or did not give Aguinaldo assurance that a Filipino government would 
be recognized (writes the General), the Filipinos certainly thought so, 
probably inferring this from their acts rather than their statements. If 
an incipient rebellion was already in progress, what could be inferred 
from the fact that Aguinaldo and thirteen other banished Tagals were 
brought down on a naval vessel and landed at Cavite? Admiral Dewey 
gave them arms and ammunition, as I did subsequently at his request. 
They were permitted to gather up a lot of arms which the Spaniards had 
thrown into the bay. * * * A few days thereafter (July 1, 1898), 
he (Aguinaldo) made an official call, coming with cabinet and staff and 
a band of music. * * * He asked 'if we, the North Americans, as he 
called us, intended to hold the Philippines as dependencies. I said I 
could not answer that, but that in one hundred and twenty years we had 
established no colonies. Fie then made this remarkable statement : 

" 'I have studied attentively the Constitution of the United States, and 
I find in it no authority for colonies and I have no fear.' 

"It may seem that my answer was somewhat evasive, but I was at the 
time trying to contract with the Filipinos for horses, carts, fuel and 

And in the Chicago Record, Feb. 24, 1900, General Anderson further 

"Every American citizen who came in contact with Filipinos at the 
inception of the Spanish war, or at any time within a few mouths after 
hostilities began, probably told those he may have talked with on the sub- 
ject that we intend to free them from Spanish oppression. And here 
came in a natural misconception and misunderstanding. * * * To 
Aguiualdo and his immediate followers it meant that the United States 
would recognize any government he and his followers might set up. It 
must be remembered that, two years before, Aguinaldo had been the 
leader in a rebellion the object of which was to set up an independent 
Filipino government. The Filipino people, in a vague way, had the same 
anticipation, for it must be understood that while Aguinaldo is to us a 
very ordinary man of flesh and blood, he is to his countrymen an ideal. 
He is a long-expected Moses to lead them out of the house of bondage. 

"We next find him (Aguinaldo) on board the Olympia in Manila bay 
interviewing the Admiral to ascertain if he authorized all the promises 


made in his name by the captain of the Petrel aiid the two consuls. Re- 
ceiving satisfactory assurance, he proceeded naively to say that the Junta 
in Hong Kong, even then, suspected that after whipping the Spaniards we 
would refuse them independence. The Admiral assured him that we 
were honorable, and, having plenty of land, desired no colonies. Agui- 
naldo is mistaken in attributing this remark to the Admiral. I must 
plead guilty to this Delphic utterance at a subsequent interview." 

There are official records also to disprove the belated pretense that the 
present war with the Filipinos was forced upon our armies by the island- 
ers themselves. General Otis had no such conception of the facts, 
at least until he had been duly "instructed from Washington." In hi 
report (p. 66 et seq.) the General says: 

"After fully considering the President's proclamation (of December 
21, 1898), and the temper of the Tagalos with whom I was daily discuss- 
ing political problems and the friendly intentions of the United States 
Government towards them, I concluded that there were certain words 
and expressions therein such as 'sovereignty,' 'right of cession,' and those 
which, directed immediate occupation, etc., though most admirably em- 
ployed, and tersely expressive of actual conditions, might be advantage- 
ously used by the Tagalo war party to incite widespread hostilities among 
the natives. The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that cer- 
tain words, as 'sovereignty,' 'protection,' etc., had peculiar meaning dis- 
astrous to their welfare and significant of future political domination, 
like that from which they had recently been freed. It was my opinion, 
therefore, that I would be justified in so amending the paper that the 
beneficent object of the United States Government would be brought 
clearly within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion was 
the more readily reached because of the radical change of the past few 
days in the constitution of Aguinaldo's government, which could not have 
been understood at Washington at the time the proclamation was pre- 
pared. * * * Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in 
which he indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by tlm 
United States in the islands, which really had been conquered from the 
Spaniards through the blood and treasure of his countrymen, and abused 
nie for my assumption of the title of military governor. Even the women 
of Cavite province, in a document numerously signed by them, gave me to 
understand that after all the men are killed off they are prepared to shed 


their patriotic blood for the liberty and independence of their country. 
* * * The result was our picket discharged his piece, when the insur- 
gent troops near Santa Mesa opened a spirited fire on our troops there 
stationed. The engagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the 
insurgents and of vigorous attack by our fo'rces." ( February 4, 1899. ) 

The imperialists have made a systematic attempt to blacken the char- 
acter of Aguinaldo and his associates, branding them as mercenaries who 
took bribes from both sides. "The United States pays no gold for peace," 
said President McKinley with a fine show of indignation in a speech at 
Fargo, N. D., Oct. 8, 1899. "The leaders of the insurgent forces say to 
the American Government : 'You can have peace if you will give us in- 
dependence,' he says. He had another price than that for peace once 

It is difficult to learn what may be the basis of this charge. President 
Schurinan, of the Philippine commission, says that Aguinaldo rejected 
with scorn an offer to take $5,000 a year and become governor of the 

"It has been said," declared Consul Williams in a communication to 
the State Department, July 18, 1898, "(hat they sold their country for 
gold, but this has been conclusively disproved, not only by their own state- 
ments, but by the speech of the late Governor-General Riviera in the 
Spanish Senate, June 11, 1898. He said that Aguinaldo undertook to 
submit if the Spanish government would give a certain sum to the widows 
and orphans of the insurgents. He then admits that only a tenth part of 
this sum was ever given to Aguinaldo, and that the other promises made 
he did not find it expedient to keep. 

"I was in Hong Kong September, 1897, when Aguinaldo and his lead- 
ers arrived under contract with the Spanish government. They waited 
until the first of November for the payment of the promised money and the 
fulfilment of the promised reforms. Only $400,000 Mexican, was ever 
placed to their credit in the banks." 

Indeed the policy of the imperialists, as exemplified by the McKinley 
policy in the Philippines has never been described better than by Mr. 
Schurman, when he said in a speech at Chicago, on Washington's birth- 
day, 1 900 : 


'I must say a word about the jingoes ( imperialists) . Now the jingoes 
are a sect who hold that everything is ours that we can lay our hands on ; 
and that other people have no rights which we need respect. Their 
philosophy of the Philippine question is exceedingly simple. It is this : 
Greed in their hearts, gold in the Philippines, and God in heaven to 
satisfy the appetite with its desired object. The inhabitants of the archi- 
pelago, of whom there are seme 8,000,000, never enter into their calcula- 
tions, or if they do it is simply as material for exploitation or food for 
bullets. Eight million Filipinos with no legal or moral rights that we 
need to consider! Eight million immortal souls to be treated as mere 
chattels ! Yet this is the gospel of the jingoes. * * * The American 
people will in due time punish them for their infamy." 

The Democracy shares Mr. Schurman's confidence in the ultimate 
justice of the American people. The advocates of the might vs. right 
policy will be punished by removal from power and consigned to lasting 
obloquy. What Edmund Burke said of the British Tories in 1775 is no 
less true of those Tories of 1900 : 

"In order to prove that they have no right to their liberties, we are 
every day endeavoring to subvert the maxims which preserve the whole 
spirit of our own. To prove that they ought not be free, we are obliged to 
depreciate the value of freedom itself; and we never seem to gain a paltry 
advantage over them in debate without attacking some of those principles 
or deriding some of those feelings for which our ancestors have shed their 
blood. * * * All dread of a standing military force is looked upon as 
a superstitious panic. We grow indifferent to the consequences in- 
evitable to ourselves from the plan of ruling half the world by a mercen- 
ary sword. * * * Between craft and credulity the voice of reason is 
stifled, and all the misconduct, all the calamities of war, are continued. 
* * * The use of force alone is but temporary. It may subdue for a 
moment, but it does not remove the necessity of subduing againj and a 
nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered. 
You will never see any revenue from these colonies. Some increase < 
the means of corruption, without ease to the public burdens, is the very 
best that can happen. Is it for this we are at war, and in such a war; 
Have any of those gentlemen who are so eager to govern all manki 
shown themselves possessed of the first qualities toward government, 
some knowledge of the object and the difficulties which occur in the 
they have undertaken?" 



When Senator George Frisbie Hoar, of Massachusetts, ventured to 
speak his mind on the question of the President's Philippine policy he was 
assailed by his party associates with all the bitterness of vituperation 
that imperialism has in store for those who dare to oppose it. Among 
others, former Representative Lemuel Eli Quigg, of New York, ventured 
to intimate in a public speech that the venerable Senator from Massachu- 
setts would have the nation "skulk its duty." Mr. Hoar honored Mr. 
Quigg with the following reply, which was sent to the press: 

To the AW//O/-.V of the ./(tunml, A<lr<'i-ii*< r. llrnihl <nul Globe, 
ttnxlim. Mass. 

Gentlemen. Will you give me space in your columns to answer a 
very serious attack which, I believe, all of you have published? At a 
meeting of the Essex Club last Satin-day, Mr. Quigg, lately a Republican 
member of Congress from New York, after some undeserved compliment, 
made this statement, referring to me : 

What he wants us to do I can define in no other words than these: 
"He wants us to skulk from our duty." 

I wish to put against this statement my emphatic denial. What I 
wanted the American people to do in the beginning, what I have wanted 
them to do all along, what I want them to do now it to do in the Philip- 
pines exactly what we have done, are doing, and expect to do in Cuba. 

If we have skulked in Cuba, then Mr. Qnigg may be justified in saying 
that I would skulk in the Philippines. We have 1 liberated both from 
Spain, and we have no thought at least, I have had no thought of giv- 
ing either back to Spain. I should as soon give back a redeemed soul to 
satan as give back the people of the Philippine Islands to the cruelty and 
tyranny of Spain. 

Indeed, since they got arms, an army and an organization, I do not 
believe it would have been in the power of Spain to subdue them again. 

But the United States never, in my judgment, should have allowed 
her to make the attempt Having delivered them from Spain, we were 



bound in all honor to protect their newly acquired liberty against the 
ambition or greed of any other nation on earth, and we were equally 
bound to protect them against our own. We were bound to stand by 
them, a defender and protector, until their new governments were estab- 
lished in freedom and in honor; until they had made treaties with the 
powers of the earth and were as secure in their national independence 
as Switzerland is secure, as Denmark is secure, as Belgium is secure, as 
San Domingo or Venezuela is secure. 

Now, if this be a policy of skulking from duty, I fail to see it. Per- 
haps I am not so familiar with the history or the vocabulary of liberty as 
Nr. Quigg. 

Perhaps they understand these things better in New York City than 
we do in Massachusetts. Perhaps Mr. Quigg is a better counselor than I 
am to the representatives of the county of George Cabot, of Glover, of 
Whittier, of Nathan Dane and of Robert Rantoul. But, at any rate, 
the policy which I have stated seems to me the true American policy; 
the counsel which I have feebly recited is the best I have to give. 

We based our policy in regard to Cuba (did we not?) on the ground 
that it was the policy of righteousness and liberty. We did not tempt 
the cupidity of any millionaire or even the honest desire for employment 
of any workmen, by the argument that if w r e reduced the people of Cuba 
to our dominion we could make money out of her and she could not help 

In those days we were appealing to tne great, noble heart of America 
and not to the breeches-pocket, 

I differ from Mr. Quigg both as to principles and as to facts. If we 
were bound in honor and in righteousness, bound by the history of our 
own past, bound by the principles and pledges of our people to abstain 
from depriving Cuba of the liberty we had given her because it was right, 
we are, in my judgment, all the more bound to abstain from depriving the 
people of the Philippine Islands of their liberties because it is right. 

If I am right in affirming this as a matter of principle (and I am a 
little curious to see who will stand up and dispute it on Massachusetts 
soil, or who will speak any other doctrine to the sons of Essex), then the 
question becomes a question of fact. 

Are the people of the Philippine Islands as well entitled to their free- 
dom and independence as the people of Cuba? 


Had they contributed as much to achieving their independence as had 
the people of Cuba? 

Do they desire their independence as do the people of Cuba? 

Are they fit to govern themselves as are the people of Cuba? 

Have they forfeited their right to their independence by any miscon- 
duct, such as attacking the array of the United States wantonly aud with- 
out provocation? 

Now the facts which enable us to answer all of these questions, about 
which the people have been so much misled during the last summer, come 
to us at length from the reports of the commanders of our army and navy 
in the Philippine Islands. I have two witnesses to call, Otis and Dewey. 
While I may not adopt all their conclusions as to policy (and it is not 
the special business of soldiers and sailors to determine the policies of the 
country), I have no desire to go beyond thcin and the men for whom they 
vouch in the matter of fart. 

But before citing tin- evidence, let me state what I would do today, 
as I have stated what I desired to do belWe the war broke out. The 
Philippine armies are scattered, r.eneral Lawton said they were the 
bravest men he had ever seen. Hut they had lKeu beaten in every battle. 
Aguinaldo is a fugitive and in concealment. They are in the condition 
that Spain was in after Napoleon had overthrown her navies and driven 
out her king at the beginning of the Peninsular War, with a 

* * * host as Imp 1 and strong as e'er defied 
Their God and placed their trust in human pride. 

Whether they will repeat the history of Spain, dispersing like foam 
when they are attacked, coming together again like the thunder cloud, 
and in the end wear out the patience of the conqueror, it is not worth 
while to speculate. 

It is not from any fear of any foemau, powerful or insignificant, that 
the American people are to determine their duty. 

If the thing be right, they mean to do it. If it be wrong, they will not 
do it I would send General Wood or General Miles or Admiral Dewey 
to Luzon. I would have him gather about him a cabinet of the best men 
among the Filipinos who have the confidence of the people and desire 
nothing but their welfare. In all provinces and municipalities where 
civil government is now established possessing the confidence of the peo- 
ple, I would consult with their rulers and representatives. 


I would lend the aid of the army of the United States only to keep 
order. I would permit the people to make laws and to administer laws, 
subject to some supervision or inspection till the disturbed times are over 
and peace has settled down again upon that country, insuring the secur- 
ity of the people against avarice, ambition or peculation. So soon as it 
seems that government, can maintain itself peacefully and in order, I 
would by degrees withdraw the authority of the United States, making a 
treaty with them that we would protect them against the cupidity of any 
other nation and would lend our aid for a reasonable time to maintain 
order and law. 

I would not hesitate, if it were needful, although I have not the slight- 
est belief that it would be needful, to vote to make them a loan of a 
moderate sum to replenish their wasted treasury. 

Now if this be skulking, if this be ignoble, if this be unworthy of an 
American citizen or a Massachusetts Senator, then I must plead guilty 
to Mr. Quigg's charge. But these are the things I would have done, and 
this is the thing I would do now. 

If this counsel had been followed, not a man would have died on 
either side ; not a drop of blood would have been spilled, not a recruit 
v> T ould have been needed by army or navy since the day when Manila 
capitulated to Otis. Nearly all of the thirty-six war vessels, with their 
five thousand or six thousand men, could have been ordered home more 
than a year ago. Our army there, greater than that with which Lee de- 
fended his lines so long ; greater than that which Sherman led to the sea ; 
greater than our armies of the Revolution or of the war of 1812, would all 
have come home, except a small garrison. 

I have carefully read Dewey's dispatches, including the testimony of 
two naval officers, whom he sent on a two months' tour through Luzon, 
before the conflict between our troops and those of Aguinaldo, which, 
under his own signature, he declared to be the best statement of the con- 
dition of things there that has been made. I have read many of the dis- 
patches of General Otis. A few of these have been published. Some of 
them have, so far, been withheld from public knowledge. They establish 
beyond reasonable doubt, clearly : 

One. That Aguinaldo is an honest, patriotic, and brave man. In- 
deed, that is the express testimony of Mr. Schurman, president of Cor- 
nell University, and president of the commission appointed by our gov- 
ernment to investigate matters there. 


Two. That Aguinaldo was the chosen leader of the people of the 
Philippine Islands. 

Three. That that people have from the l>eginning desired indepen- 
dence, and desire it now. 

Four. That this desire was communicated to our commanders when 
they gave them arms, accepted their aid, and brought Aguinaldo from 
his exile when he was put in command of thirty thousand Filipino sol- 
diers, who were already in arms and organized. 

Five. That the people of the Philippine Islands, before we fired upon 
their troops, had delivered their own land from Spain, with the single 

rption of the town of Manila, and that they hemmed in the Spanish 
troops on laud by aline extending from water to water. 

Six. That we could not have captured the Spanish garrison, which 
\\;is done by an agreement beforehand, upon a mere show of resistance, 
but for the fact that they were so hemmed in by Agninaldo's forces and 
could not retreat beyond the range and lire of the gnus of our fleet. 

Seven. That during all this ]>eriod from the beginning to the final 
conflict the Filipinos were repeatedly informing our government, not 
only by communications addressed to the commanders on laud and sea, 
but by those addressed to the President of the Fnited States, that they 
desired their freedom, and that they were never informed of any purpose 
on our part to subdue them. 

Eight. That they were fit for independence. They had churches, li- 
braries, works of art and education. They were better educated than 
man}* American communities within the memory of some of us. They 
were eager and ambitious to learn. They wen- governing their entire 
island, except Manila, in order and quiet, with municipal governments, 
courts of justice, schools and a complete constitution resting upon the 
consent of the people. They were better fitted for self-government than 
any country on the American continent south of us, from the Rio Grande 
to Cape Horn; or than San Domingo or Hayti, when these countries, 
respectively, achieved their independence, and are fitter for self-govern- 
ment than some of them are now. They are now as fit for self-govern- 
ment as was Japan when she was welcomed into the family of nations. 

Nine. That the outbreak of hostilities was not their fault, but ours. 
A patrol, not a hostile military force, approached a small village between 
the lines of the two armies; a village on the American side of the line of 
demarcation, to which some of our soldiers had been moved in disregard 


of the rule applicable to all cases of truce. When this patrol approached 
this town it was challenged. How far the Filipinos understood our lan- 
guage, or how far our pickets understood the reply that they made in 
their own language, does not appear. But we fired upon them first. The 
fire was returned from their lines. Thereupon it was returned again 
from us, and several Filipinos were killed. As soon as Aguinaldo heard 
of it, he sent a message to' General Otis, saying that the firing was without 
his knowledge and against his will ; that he deplored it, and that he de- 
sired hostilities to cease, and would withdraw his troops to any distance 
General Otis should desire. To which the American general replied that, 
as the fighting had begun, it must go on. 

Now how absurd for the persons who could have stopped it at any 
time from the beginning with a single word of assurance that they meant 
to respect the liberties of the people of the Philippine Islands, to charge 
the men who had been constantly begging them to say that word with 
being responsible for the continuance of the war. 

Ten. That on December 28, 1898, the two sides being at peace, al- 
though great uneasiness and irritation had already manifested itself on 
the part of the Filipinos, who were afraid we meant to subjugate them, 
President McKinley sent to Otis a proclamation. Remember that a 
dozen times during the spring and summer and autumn Aguinaldo had 
proclaimed that hisi people were seeking their independence, and had 
implored the "great American people, by all their great history and tra- 
ditions," with which he appears to have been quite familiar, not to in- 
terfere with it. 

Now, on December 28, 1898, the President sent to Otis a proclamation, 
which he commanded him to issue. Otis, on reading it, to use the lan- 
guage of his report : 

"After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper 
of the Tagalos with whom! was in daily discussion of political problems 
and the friendly intentions of the United States government toward 
them, I concluded that there were certain words and expressions therein, 
such as 'sovereignty,' 'right of cession,' and those which directed imme- 
diate occupation, etc., though most admirably employed and tersely ex- 
pressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagal< 
war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives, 
norant classes had been taught to believe that certain words, as 'sover- 
eignty/ 'protection,' etc., had peculiar meaning disastrous to their \\H 
fare and significant of future political domination." 


The ignorant people of America have been taught to believe just such 
things. I have seen such things in the writings of Washington and 
Adams and Jefferson, of Whittier and Garrison and Nathan Dane and 
Rantoul and others of the men of Essex. Now Otis goes on to say : 

"It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be justified in so amend- 
ing the paper that the beneficent object of the United States government 
would be brought clearly within the comprehension of the people." 

Whereupon Otis proceeds to amend the President's proclamation by 
striking out everything in it which contains a purpose to assume sover- 
eignty or protection, and which was significant of future political domi- 
nation ; and instead thereof he issued, on January 4, 1899, less than eight 
weeks before the outbreak of hostilities, a proclamation which he gives in 
a report, in which he suppressed all these utterances, and assures them 
that it is the purpose of the people of the Tinted States to give them, "in 
every possible way, the full measure of individual rights and liberty 
which is the heritage of a free people." And In- adds : 

"I am convinced that it is the intention of the United States govern- 
ment to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the 
islands, in which the people themselves shall have as full representation 
as the maintenance of law and order will permit, and which shall be 
susceptible of development, on the lines of increased representation and 
the bestowal of increased powers, into a government as free and indepen- 
dent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the world." 

That assurance which Otis gave to the people of Manila is just what I 
have always wanted, and all I have always wanted, to give them. But, 
unhappily, Otis' proclamation was frustrated. In the meantime, he had 
sent a copy of the President's proclamation to Miller, who was lying op- 
posite Iloilo, burning for a fight, and who, much to Otis' distress, as his 
dispatches show, published it. So you had the commanding general 
denying all purposes of domination or of interfering with their indepen- 
dence, on the one hand, and the President of the United States, on the 
other, asserting that purpose; and the Filipinos were naturally alarmed 
and shocked. 

Otis goes on to tell how Aguiualdo appealed to his people to stand by 
their independence, how the Filipino newspapers took it up in an. 
articles, and how the people who were beginning to be pacified and hope- 
ful, were excited again, and justly. 


Now put yourselves, men of Essex, in the places of these people. 
What would have your fathers done if Gage and Lord North had been the 
actors? What would any people on the face of the earth, whose bosoms 
are capable of holding the sentiment of liberty, have done? 

Is it not infamous for anybody to turn around and tell you that the 
men who believe that the Filipinos should have been assured just what 
Otis tried to assure them of, are responsible for the outbreak of the war? 
Otis says that the proclamation which actually came out, through Miller's 
departure from his intentions, was calculated to cause, and did cause, the 
hostilities and excite alarm and indignation in the bosoms of that free- 
dom-seeking people. 

I do not know what other men may think, or what other men may say, 
but there is not a drop of blood in my veins, there is not a feeling in my 
heart that does not respect a weak people struggling with a strong one. 

Some of our friends tell us that the Filipinos are not a people. Pres- 
ident McKinley says they are, and that he desires "in every possible way 
to insure them the full measure of their individual rights and liberty 
which is the heritage of a free people." Otis says they are and that it is 
the intention of the United States government to appoint the representa- 
tive men of the Philippine Islands to civil positions of trust in a govern- 
ment as "free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored prov- 
inces of the earth." 

When Patrick Henry was making his great speech in the old court 
house in Virginia, ending with the words, "Give me liberty or give me 
death," he was interrupted by somebody with a shout of "treason." He 
finished his sentence and replied, as every Essex schoolboy knows, "If 
this be treason, make the most of it," I am unworthy to loose the latchet 
of the shoes of Patrick Henry. But I claim to love human liberty as well 
as he did ; and I believe the love of human liberty will never be held to be 
treason by Massachusetts. 

There were five of my name and blood who stood in arms at Concord 
bridge in the morning of the revolution, April 19, 1775. My grandfather 
stood with John Adams and Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin 
when they presented to the Continental Congress that great paper, the 
bringing in of which was the foremost action of human history which 
declares that the just powers of government rest upon the consent of the 
people, and that when a people desire it the laws of nature and the laws 


of God entitle them to take a separate and equal station among the 
nations of the earth. 

And these Filipinos, as President McKinley says, and as Otis says, 
"are a people," and so entitled to be independent. 

I have no right to feel any peculiar pride in the action of any ancestor 
of my own in those great days which tried men's souls, and when all true 
Americans thought in that way, although I should be disgraced and ought 
to hide my head from the gaze of men if 1 were to depart from those prin- 
ciples. But I have a right to feel a just pride in and to boast of some- 
thing much higher than my personal kindred. I am a son of Massachu- 
setts. For more than three score years and ten I have sat at her dear 
feet. I have seen the light of her beautiful eyes. I have 1 heard high 
counsel from her lips. She has taught me to love liberty ; to standby the 
weak against the strong when the rights of the weak are in peril; she lias 
led me to believe that if I do this, however humbly, however imperfectly, 
and whatever otber men may say, I shall have her approbation and shall 
be deemed not unworthy of her love. Other men will do as they please. 
But as for me, God helping me, I can do no otherwise. 

I am faithfully yours, Gi:o. F HOAR. 



The National Convention at Chicago in 189G adopted this platform as 
embodying the doctrine of the Democracy on "Trusts and Pools" : 

"The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our leading 
railroad systems and the formation of trusts and pools require a stricter 
control by the Federal government of those arteries of commerce. We 
demand the enlargement of the powers of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
mission and such restriction and guarantees in the control of railroads as 
will protect the people from robbery and oppression." 

This is a sufficient statement of Democratic principles as applied to 
the industrial problem existing four years ago. Nor is it wholly inade- 
quate to the situation as it exists to-day. The enlargement of the powers 
of the Interstate Commerce Commission is one of the principal remedies 
suggested by the Industrial Commission appointed by act of Congress in 
June, 1898, and it is conceded by all thoughtful men that the due restraint 
of railroads is one of the first steps to be taken toward the restriction of 
the trust evil. 

But the past four years have been years of swift, industrial and 
economic change. The consolidation of railroads, though not a move- 
ment of recent origin, has proceeded with greater rapidity and upon a 
larger scale than ever before. The Vanderbilt and Pennsylvania systems 
have recently gone far beyond their original territory and are now in con- 
trol of the fortunes of tens of thousands of workingmen and their families 
and the welfare of entire communities which four years ago knew those 
organizations only by their names. The centripetal movement is still in 
progress, at a rate which has caused thinking men to ask how soon all the 
great trunk roads of the continent, all the trans-Atlantic, lake and river 
steamship lines may be operated from a single office in Wall street. 

The recent "absorption of wealth by the few" is well exemplified in 
the cases of the Carnegie Steel Company and the Standard Oil Trust, 
quarrel between the owners of the former organization has lately brought 
to public view the interesting fact that Andrew Carnegie who came 
America in his youth as a Scottish immigrant with empty pockets, now 



owns the majority interest in a business valued on the London market 
at more than half a billion dollars. The Standard Oil Trust between 
January 1st and May 1st, of the present year, has declared $30,000,000 
of dividends upon its $110,000,000 of stock. Of this egregious income 
the share drawn by Mr. Rockefeller, president of the trust, amounts to 
$100,000 a day. This from his Standard Oil interests alone, but one item 
of his incalculable wealth. All the sources of this man's revenue are 
known only to himself, but he is avowedly a large owner of the so-called 
American Steamship Company (subsidized) ; of fleets of vessels upon the 
great lakes, carrying iron ore from his own mines to his own steel mills ; 
of immense interests in the copper and lead trusts; of a controlling share 
in at least one great railroad system ; of several universities and of the 
new $10,000,000 National City Bank in New York, which lately pur- 
chased for $3,260,000 the United States Custom House property in that 
city, with Mr. McKinley's Secretary of the Treasury thrown in to bind the 
bargain. No accurate estimate of such a fortune is possible; but there 
can be no exaggeration in saying that ihis favored son of special privi- 
lege and class legislation is by far the richest man that lives or ever has 
lived in America or any other country. 

Mr. Rockefeller is the prototype of trustmen and the arch-multi- 
millionaire; the final flower of the new ''high finance." But neither he 
nor his trust is unique. The Goulds, the Vanderbilts, the Whitneys, to 
say nothing of several of his immediate associates in the Standard Oil 
trust, follow Rockefeller at a respectable distance in point of individual 
wealth. As to the other "industrial combinations," the Whisky Trust 
is capitalized at $125,000,000 ; the Anthracite Coal Trust at $150,000,000 ; 
the Federal Steel Trust at $200,000,000; its friendly competitor, the 
American Steel and Wire Trust at $90,000,000 ; the Copper Trust at $75,- 
000,000,000 ; the Hide and Leather Trust at $60,000,000 ; and there are a 
whole brood of others which seem small only by comparison with these 
giants of the new finance. It will at once be seen that when the Chicago 
platform warned the people against the dangers of "absorption of wealth 
by the few" its Democratic authors had a truly prophetic sense of the 
immediate economic perils of the republic. 

This unprecedented aggregation of wealth belongs to the few years 
which will be known to posterity as the trust epoch in our history as a 
nation. The economic movement which has resulted in the absorption 
of so many industries in the form of trusts, belongs in great part to the 



period immediately following the late war with Spain. Indeed it may 
be regarded as the logical outcome of the spirit which animated the 
money world and its complacent tool, the McKinley administration, dur- 
ing the latter part of that conflict. There had been trusts before. The 
Standard Oil trust was formed in 1882; the Sugar trust, the Whisky 
trust, the Anthracite Coal trust, to say nothing of the railroad pools and 
combinations, were well established in our economic system before the 
dawn of this new era. But the great majority of these new industrial 
combinations have been formed within the past two years. 

The word "trust" itself, to which the trustmen so strenuously object, 
is no longer a strictly accurate definition of these combinations. The 
original trusts were so-called by reason of the legal (or rather illegal) 
form under which they were organized. The shareholders of various 
enterprises assigned their shares to one trustee, taking trust certificates 
in exchange therefor and in lieu of ordinary profits. Such was the 
original "trust." It no longer exists, because it has been declared unlaw-i 
ful, but the name still survives in the popular mind and doubtless will 
continue. If it has become odious and a term of reproach, the trustincn 
themselves best know the reason why. 

The present trusts are simply huge corporations formed by merging 
a number of smaller corporations or firms. The special requirements of 
this particular form of high finance have given a new conspicuity to the 
States of New Jersey, Delaware and West Virginia. When it was 
found impossible under existing laws to perfect this form of organization 
in manner necessary for purposes of monopoly, these commonwealths 
came to the front with special legislation, calculated to make the way of 
the trust organizer easy and his expenses light. Thus it has come to pass 
that a large majority of trusts in the United States are organized under 
the laws of New Jersey (which was first in the field), and that State 
applies the pieces of silver for which it has sold its honor to the payment 
of its current expenses. Nor is it without interest that the State of New 
Jersey, the home of Mr. McKinley's running mate, the late Vice- President 
Hobart, is the commonwealth which the President has honored above all 
others in the bestowal of offices of high trust and emolument. 

At the close of the war with Spain the "war spirit" of plunder and ad- 
venture was in the air. The money power with good reason felt surer 
than ever that it could control legislation and shape the administration 
to its purposes. A combination of financial events had released a large 


amount of capital for investment in any securities bearing on their face 
even a tolerable guarantee of soundness. At this juncture the Promoter 
took the field. The Promoter is a new character in finance and deserving 
of the greater attention, because to him is largely due the present im- 
portance of the trust problem. It was he who discovered the new "trust 
idea" which in brief is this : If all the factories producing a given line of 
goods unite under one convenient corporate charter, they can enjoy a 
monopoly and all that that implies, fix the price both of their products 
and of the raw material; regulate wages; reduce the expense of distribu- 
tion, sale and advertising; dismantle "superfluous" plants and discharge 
"unnecessary" labor; control the field of consumption, and in a word real- 
ize in the aggregate much greater profits than all together could possibly 
earn as individuals. Finally, the Promoter pointed out that in these 
pleasant circumstances it would be possible to issue an amount of stock 
practically unlimited, and to place this stock with a confiding public, at 
that time only too eager for investments of almost any character. Of 
course the Promoter himself was not working for his health. lie ex- 
pected a reward for his services, but would obligingly take it from this 
over-issue of the stock. 

The manner of the Promoter's procedure may best be illustrated by a 
single instance. The American Writing Paper Company, consolidated 
into a trust of twenty-seven plants, with options on several smaller ones. 
The twenty-seven mills cost the Promoter not much more than $7,000,000, 
and the former owners considered that at this figure they were getting 
fancy prices for their property, else presumably they would not have sold. 
A reasonable cash value for the mills, including the good will, may pos- 
siblv have reached $5,000,000. The trust was floated upon a capitaliza- 
tion of $42,000,000, rather more than six times the value of plants as 
fixed by the enthusiastic Promoter. This capital was made up of $17,- 
000,000 bonds, $12,500,000 preferred stock and $12,500,000 common 
stock. From the proceeds of the bonds $2,500,000 was placed in tin- 
treasury of the trust as working capital. The Boston bankers of the 
new organization published a prospectus in September, 1899, in which 
after stating that the combination of the twenty-seven mills represented 
70 per cent of the entire output of fine writing paper in the United States, 
said: "The combination of these companies will naturally result in ex- 
tensive advantages, improvements and economies, and our best advices 
from competent men indicate that the net earnings of the new company 



will not be less than $2,200,000 (without increased output), which is 
equivalent to interest and sinking fund of the bonds 7 per cent dividend 
en the preferred and 3 or 4 per cent on the common stock/' 

With these cheerful prospects, the Writing Paper trust was floated, 
and if it is not now earning per cent on its $42,000,000 of capital, water 
and all, the failure will certainly not be ascribed by the uncharitable to 
defects in the trust system or lack of zeal in the promoter. 

And this is but a type of the more than five hundred combinations of 
capital and industry which now control practically all the staples on the 
American market. In the strenuous struggle for big profits, some of 
them have gone to the wall. Their failures are recorded from day to day. 
Successors spring up in their places. It is not possible to state with 
accuracy the total capital thus turned from its natural course into these 
channels^ but the estimates of various experts agree pretty nearly that 
the total capitalization of trusts in the United States is not far from 
$6,000,000,000. With the water squeezed out this would probably be 
reduced to $2,500,000,000, or one-fourth of the total amount invested in 
manufactures in the United States. But it is upon the $6,000,000,000 
that they are successfully or otherwise endeavoring to pay dividends, and 
any attempt to restrain that effort is, of course, promptly met with a cry 
of horror against the crime of disturbing "vested interests." 

These figures do not include the capital invested in railroads. The 
two combined twin brothers of high finance employ, it is estimated, 
fully one-fourth of the labor in the United States save that upon the 
farms. Truly a lusty young giant to have grown up within so short a 

Even with, this rosy beginning, however, the progress of the trusts has 
not been without obstacles or even serious accidents. Quite early in the 
game the lame ducks of industry, which naturally were the most eager 
to experiment with the new form of combination, began to drop out of 
the race. It is even true that some of the trusts were badly managed. 
Though one of the first pleas for their organization was "internal 
economy," it was found that the internal conduct of the trust tended to 
expensiveness .and expansion. Worse still, the dear public, which had 
bought these securities freely at the start, began to show a reluctance for 
further investment. Only the promoter and the underwriting banker 
came out unscathed. These worthies had taken their pay in "securities' 
.ajad promptly converted the "securities" into cash while they were sti 


in active demand. All the other parties to the transaction began to 
realize that though the game was a good one, it might be overplayed. 
The time came when even the banks finally declined to underwrite further 
industrial combinations. The American people, despite the warnings of 
Jefferson and Jackson, had still to learn by costly experience the danger 
of reposing too great faith in banks and bankers. 

As early ds inid-suininer a year ago, there was a well-developed sag 
in "industrials" on the stock market. But the genius of the new finance 
always rises to an emergency. To correct the evils of overcapitalization 
and mismanagement, the device of "reorganization" was brought for- 
ward. Reorganization in the case of trusts means the squeezing out of a 
part of the water and incidentally of the confiding investors who have 
purchased the watered stock. These latter, of course, do not belong to 
the "great investing class." As a rule, they are comparatively poor peo- 
ple who have put their small savings into trust securities upon the as- 
surance afforded by their bankers and other financiers of eminence in 
whom they have reposed confidence. Another incident to reorganization 
is the closing of factories and the discharge of labor, though these ma- 
neuvers are not necessarily due to the evils named. They may be accom- 
plished in the spirit of mere freakish ness and financial pleasantry. A 
case in point was the shutting down of twelve mills belonging to the 
American Steel and Wire Company and the discharge of 7,000 men upon 
the order of its president, John W. Gates. If we may accept the testi- 
mony of his associates, Mr. Gates in perpetrating this little trick was not 
impelled by the actual necessities of the steel and wire trade, but acted, 
rather, on an impulse to plunder his confiding friends on the stock mar- 
ket. The incident led to Mr. Gates' arrest and arraignment in a New 
York Police Court. But his lawyers were quick to discover technical 
points upon which his liberty was secured and the eminent financier de- 
parted for a well-earned rest in Europe, the workingmen whom he had 
discharged awaiting his return with interest. 

The private character of a man like Gates would in ordinary circum- 
stances be a matter of the smallest concern to the American people, but 
as a prominent Republican politician, frequently mentioned for the office 
of senator in Congress from Illinois, he comes perhaps within the range 
of public criticism. As a friend and adviser of the President and of the 
President's conscience keeper, Senator Hauna, he is an object of legiti- 
mate interest, and the people are justifiably eager to learn something of 



his methods of life and business. Mr. Gates' character has been drawn 
in detail by his friends and associates in business and it is full of instruc- 
tion for the youth of the land. From these friendly sources we know 
that he began his business career a few years ago, "moonlighting" barbed 
wire in and around St. Louis. This industry was then controlled by 
patents held by the Washburn & Moen Company of Massachusetts. Mr. 
Gates infringed upon these patents in his "moonlight" factories, moving 
his machinery from time to time to evade the process of law. These 
operations he conducted with so much skill and audacity that the Wash- 
burn & Moen people finally came to terms with him, finding it cheaper 
to make peace than to wage war upon so troublesome a competitor. 

Thus Mr. Gates emerged from obscurity into the world of high finance 
through the door of blackmail. From being a "moonlighter," chased by 
officers of the law, he became a great manufacturer. With the eye of 
genius he had discovered the basic principles of the modern theory of in- 
dustry : ( 1 ) A monopoly in a. staple largely used by the common people 
is a good thing. (2) The manufacture of barbed wire is a monopoly 
and the product is extensively used by all farmers. .(3) The barbed 
wire business is a good thing. The syllogism was thus complete. The 
corollary, that it matters little how you get hold of a monopoly, so you get 
it, followed as a matter of course. 

The qualities of head and heart which had made Mr. Gates a success- 
ful "moonlighter" found larger play in his new field of usefulness. Once 
admitted to the select brotherhood of great manufacturers, he speedily 
pushed his way to the front. Before many months he had, as he might 
say himself, "made the other fellows look like thirty cents." A series 
of organizations and reorganizations followed with lightning rapidity 
until the original comparatively modest barbed wire business became the 
American Steel & Wire Company, capitalized at |90,000,000, more than 
half "common," or watered. The trust owned not only its wire mills, but 
its steel mills, besides controlling all the avenues of production from the 
mine to the mill. And the advantages of this arrangement became 
obvious a few months later, when, the trust having put up the price of 
wire 200 per cent, Mr. Gates pathetically explained that this increase 
was necessary on account of the "added cost of raw material." 
not necessary to add that the trust furnished its own raw material at its 
own price. 

Indeed it is not Mr. Gates' policy to explain. "Our company," he 


said to a reporter of the Chicago Times-Herald, through his hired man, 
Col. Lambert, president of the Illinois Steel & Wire Company, "is run- 
ning its business without the need of explaining. We shut down and 
open our mills when we see fit." 

It is this "public-be-damned" theory of the trustraen, so forcibly ex- 
pressed by a modern captain of industry, which gives interest to the 
private character of such fellows as Gates. By the testimony of his 
partners in the trust, the man is a gambler, pure and simple. The manu- 
facture and sale of wire are to him but adjuncts to his operations on the 
stock exchange. It was proved in a New York police court upon the 
occasion referred to that Mr. Gates had given to a reporter of the Now 
York Herald a formal statement that the stool and wire business was in 
such a condition as to necessitate the instant closing of twelve of the 
trust's factories in Illinois, Indiana, Pennsylvania and Ohio, and the 
discharge without notice of 7,000 men earning $88,000 of wages weekly 
for the support of 35,000 people. The mills had, in fact, been shut down 
and the men discharged at Mr. Gates' order, but this statement was 
shown to be false and the shut-down of the mills unwarranted by the 
state of trade. Both heartless acts were accomplished solely in order 
to bull steel and wire securities in the market in aid of Mr. Gates' 
gambling schemes. Gates did not deny that he had given the statement 
or that the statement was false. Indeed, by his plea in court he im- 
pliedly admitted it, and he escaped imprisonment only upon the tech- 
nical plea of his lawyer that a statement so given does not come within 
the meaning of the criminal law of New York against publishing false 
representations concerning securities. The New York justice, who had 
hurried up the hearing on Mr. Gates' eager representations that he 
"wanted to catch a steamer for Europe," sustained this plea and Mr. 
Gates caught his steamer. It is said that further legal proceedings await 
him on his return. His steamer was scarcely out of sight of land when a 
statement was published in the papers of the American Steel & Wire 
Co.'s affairs, showing that the trust's net earnings for the quarter ending 
March 31, 1900, amounted to $4, 173,739,' or at the rate of $16,694,956, 
nearly 20 per cent on the $90,000,000 of stock (including the $50,000,000 
of water), an increase of 25 per cent over the trust's enormous earnings 
in 1899. If further proof were needed of the falsity of Gates' statement, 
it is here afforded. 

Gates is described bv those who know him best as a man of the loosest 


personal habits, given to coarse living and to losing large sums at poker. 
His admirers tell of more than one such encounter at which sums like 
$100,000 crossed the table in an evening. It is even said that his favorite 
diversion is to give his hungry friends false tips on the stock market and 
then playfully to turn their losses into his own pocket. But these ec- 
centricities, as has been said, become interesting only when we find such 
a man in a position to fix at will the price of such a staple as barbed wire, 
and thus to levy millions of tribute on the farmers of the country without 
warning and without warrant. When, in addition, by the stroke of his 
pen, he deprives 35,000 persons of the means of sustenance, and then im- 
pudently tells the people that it is none of their business, the Democracy 
finds it time to ask on what meat this industrial Caesar feeds that he has 
grown so great, so powerful, so arrogant. Are he and his trusts 
creatures of the State, or are they independent of and superior to the 
State? Are such acts really none of the people's business? 

These are questions which the Democracy offer this year for the con- 
sideration of the people who, as usual are "paying the freight." Gates 
may continue his debaucheries at will, so long as he escapes the police, 
but the Gates trust and the Gates policy are matters which run very near 
to the heart of the republic. Both the trust and the policy are at present 
sanctioned by the State and protected by the courts. The Gates concern 
holds a charter from the commonwealth New Jersey, amounting to let- 
ters of marque and reprisal, under which it may plunder the citizens of 
any State in the Union, tie up a great industry at will, fix wages and the 
terms of employment, even to instant discharge without notice of thou- 
sands of bread-winners. It knows no law save the will or caprice of a 
dissolute and conscienceless tyrant who in turn worships only at the 
shrine of chance. 

And we are told that such combinations of capital, such concentration 
of power in irresponsible hands, are a natural evolution of modern con- 
ditions, beyond the power of courts or legislatures to control, beneficial 
to the people. From this monstrous doctrine the Democracy dissents. 
The quick uprising of the trust power has been a natural growth, not of 
normal economic conditions, but of Republican favoritism and class legis- 
lation. Remove the cause and its effect will not long endure. And that 
is what the Democracy proposes to do. 

So interesting a phenomenon as the trust could not long escape the 
attention of our legislators, of political, social and economic reformers 


or of all that numerous class affected by these rapid changes in the in- 
dustrial situation. When it is considered that no man or woman in 
America who buys food or clothing, or any other of the five hundred and 
odd necessities of life, wholly escapes the action of the trusts, it is no 
wonder that even before the beginning of the present year public interest 
in these combinations was roused to a considerable degree. In June, 
1898, Congress had created an Industrial Commission, charged "to re- 
port from time to time upon the industrial situation." This body, finding 
the subject of trusts to be one "upon which there was pressing demand 
for trustworthy information," gave it early attention. The commission 
is still at work. A conference held at Chicago in September, 1S9!), of 
economic and other experts, of trustmen, railroad officials and others, 
debated the subject at great length for several days under the auspices of 
the Chicago Civic Federation. Early in the present year an Anti-Trust 
Conference was held also in Chicago. Many other bodies, official and 
others, have brought the light of their intelligence to bear upon the situ- 
ation. It is universally conceded that an economic resolution has been 
begun and is still in progress. The press is filled with arguments and 
statements of fact more or less accurate and sincere, according to the 
political or economic connections of the respective papers. 

The situation has been made more acute within the past few months 
by the obvious subsidence of the famous "McKinley prosperity." For 
some time it has been apparent that the roseate condition so loudly and 
so widely extolled by administration organs and orators, exists not so 
much in fact as in the exuberant fancy of these advocates of .Mr. Mc- 
Kinley's re-election. The Standard Oil and Sugar trusts, the Anthracite 
Coal and railroad pools continue to convert their special privileges into 
millions of dividends and wax fatter from month to month. Not a few 
of the smaller trusts and combinations are also prospering that is, they 
continue to earn large dividends for their shareholders. On the other 
hand, many of the trusts are seen to languish. In their attempts to main- 
tain prices sufficiently high to yield dividends upon all their watered 
stock, they have driven buyers out of the market. The farmer has ceased 
to build wire fences because he can no longer afford it at the prices fixed 
by Mr. Gates and his associates. For similar reasons he no longer thinks 
of building new barns or additions to his house; the trust prices of lumber 
and nails and paint forbid. In the cities, building operations have 
lately come almost to a standstill on account of the high price of material, 


and for this cessation of industry, of course, the "obstinate and unreason- 
able workingman" is awarded the blame. Having combined in imitation 
of his betters to protect himself against competition and maintain the 
price of his product, the man who has labor to sell is denounced, espe- 
cially from the offices of banks and trust companies, as an "anarchist" 
and an "enemy of his country's prosperity." Dun's and Bradstreet's 
reports afford from week to week melancholy reading for those who have 
built too largely upon the continuance of the "gold brick prosperity." 

It must not be supposed that at such a crisis as this the trust men are 
either idle or silent. At all the conferences named and at -many others, 
wherever in fact they can find a hearing, the advocates of the new in- 
dustrial order have come forward in explanation of the new development 
in the industrial world and in justification of their own course. It is 
realized, even in the high places of finance, that a new revolution is at 
hand, succeeding that which gave rise to the present trust evil. With 
the trustmen the problem is no longer how to get more, but how to keep 
that which they have. In order to do this they realize that they must 
find an explanation for their conduct and its consequences, which will be 
accepted by the voters at the approaching election. It is indeed a critical 
time for the apostles of the new finance. 

The trust problem is too extensive and too intricate to be elaborated 
here, but a glance at some of the arguments advanced in the interest of 
the trusts will serve to show how desperate is their situation, now that 
they are to be tried before the tribunal of the- Democracy. 

A favorite contention of the trustmen is that these monstrous com- 
binations are a natural evolution of the la,ws of trade and the conditions 
of society. The trust is here, these advocates say, and here to stay. 
This theory, interesting in itself, is not sustained by the facts. The 
original of all the trusts, the Standard Oil, had its germinal origin in the 
minds of a few enterprising citizens of Ohio. Their idea was twofold. 
First, combination; second, the employment of their united power to 
secure special privileges for the combination in order to oppress their few 
remaining competitors, or drive them out of business. If any of the 
competitors refused to surrender they were to be coerced. The Standard 
Oil's fight for the mastery of the petroleum fields of Ohio and Pennsyl- 
vania, and the control of the refined oil market, first in America and then 
the world over, makes a long story which need not be repeated here. It 
is a more than twice-told tale, but one of which no American citizen can 


afford to be ignorant. Those who have not read Mr. Henry Demerest 
Lloyd's book, "Wealth Against Commonwealth," owe it to themselves to 
repair that defect in their education as citizens without delay. 

Only the happy afterthought of a complacent multi-millionaire could 
describe that long career of fraud and force as a "natural evolution." 
The Standard Oil trust was forced upon the people with every device of 
high-priced counsel, or when the lawyers had exhausted their resources 
for defeating the law, their principals did not shrink from crime. The 
blowing up of rival distilleries, the wounding, even the murdering of men 
these were only incidents in that relentless struggle for the control of a 
great industry. Juries were bought and sold, public officers, even judges 
on the bench, took tribute from the trust and paid for it in base service. 
At least one Standard Oil man was forced into the United States Senate 
in defiance of the angry protests of the people of his State, which, by the 
way, is also Mr. McKinley's State. The same commonwealth and the 
same influence afforded at least one member of President Harrison's 
cabinet, and President Cleveland in making up his official family drew 
upon the same brood. The independent refiners were pursued with ma- 
lignity through all the walks of their business life. Producers of the 
crude petroleum were cajoled, tricked, forced into selling their oil for 
what the trust chose to pay. To this day the Standard Oil trust daily 
posts throughout the oil district the price which it will pay for crude 
petroleum, and from this schedule there is no appeal. The whole busi- 
ness, in a word, has been and is entirely removed from the domain of 
supply and demand. The entire trade producing, refining, distributing 
and selling pays unwilling tribute to the trust. 

It may be that this unholy supremacy has come to stay. Certainly 
all efforts to dislodge it thus far have utterly failed, but if, as it is 
claimed, such a concern as the Standard Oil trust is a natural evolution 
of trade conditions, if free competition is a failure, then every argument 
for the trust is an argument for State socialism. But with this differ- 
ence, that if the State controlled the natural supply and the machinery 
of production and distribution as the trust does, the profits would go to 
the State for the relief of the people by reduction of their taxes rather 
than to a coterie of men who use them for a further exploitation of the 

Indeed it is noteworthy that among those who regard the develop- 
ments with the most complacency are the advance socialists. The mem- 


bers of this school have not been slow to perceive that the trusts are work- 
ing out their ideas ; they bid these combinations go ahead and God speed. 
The promoter, as we have seen, has been chiefly responsible for most 
of the later trusts. That worthy individual must read with surprise, if 
not amusement, that in his modest endeavors to earn his fee he has been 
assisting at the birth of a. new evolution in modern trade conditions. 
The promoter knows that if he can organize a trust in a given industry, 
there is so much in it for him so many thousands or tens of thousands, 
or even hundreds of thousands of dollars. His business is to brin" the 


manufacturers together and to this end no feat of dexterity in juggling 
with figures, no argument or even threat is to be despised. It is an 
obvious fact that the manufacturer who is doing well will prefer to run 
his own business for his own profit in his own way. Only the lame ducks 
of the trade take kindly to the trust idea, for they have nothing to lose. 
The others are bribed for their name and influence by the payment of 
fancy prices for their plants, or else coerced by fear of being left out in 
the cold and made to fight a monopoly single handed. 

For monopoly is the central idea of all trusts. "Monopoly is the 
essence of the trusts/' says Prof. Ely. "The trust is monopoly." It is 
not of course to be expected that the trust men will admit this. Monopoly 
is restraint of trade, and has been forbidden by the common law since the 
time of Queen Elizabeth. It is forbidden by the Constitution of the 
United States, and by the Constitution and statutes of most of the States. 
Men do not willingly make admissions tending to incriminate themselves, 
or to outlaw their business. Mr. Havemeyer, more frank than most of 
his fellow trustuien, admitted that the Sugar Trust was able to fix prices 
and did fix them, not only for itself, but for its competitors, though it did 
in fact only 80 per cent of the sugar trade. Still, he insisted that his 
trust was not a monopoly so long as a single competitor remained outside 
the organization. Perhaps it is not. There is a decision of the Supreme 
Court which seems to give color to this claim. But such contentions 
belong to the realm of theory. The control of prices by the Sugar Trust 
is a fact, and it is with facts that the democracy is concerned 

Competition is not destroyed by these new combinations, the trust- 
men say, but removed to a higher plane. Here is another theory, and 
here is a fact which well illustrates the beauty of it. The Diamond 
Match trust, which is one of the most flourishing of its kind, was for a 
number of years made unhappy by a son of the late Jay Gould. This 


young man, with a masterly grasp of the theory of "higher competition/' 
set up out of his already abundant resources a number of alleged match 
factories to compete with the trust. Alleged because the factories were 
the merest pretense. In many cases the matches sold by the Gould 
concern were bought of the trust. But young Gould knew his business. 
ITis so-called factories were run to make money, not matches. This be- 
came evident not many months ago when the Diamond Match Trust 
bought out the young man, paying him a round million for his "factories." 
Further instances of the "higher competition" followed quickly. The 
Gould factories being shut down, such labor as they had employed was 
summarily discharged. To cover -the cost of the purchase and recoup 
itself for the $1,000,000 given to Mr. Gould, the Diamond Match Trust 
issued $4,000,000 of additional stock, increasing its capitalization from 
$11,000,000 to $15,000,000. In order to pay dividends on this increase, 
it was of course necessary either to reduce wages or to raise the price 
of matches, or both. When this was pointed out, the trust denied that it 
did either. It simply issued a circular to the trade announcing that cer- 
tain "lower grades of matches had been retired from the market." 

That is the dilemma on one or other of whose horns the trust idea is 
inevitably impaled. The trust must either maintain an absolute monop- 
oly in defiance of the law, or meet such "higher competition" as that just 
now described at the expense of labor and of the consumer. Already other 
match factories have been set up in \e\v Jersey in the hope and expecta- 
tion of being bought out as Gould was bought out. It is "good business." 
The competing concerns have only to hold out until they become suffi- 
ciently troublesome. Then the trust will give them their own price and 
issue more new stock. Of course the moral aspect of such transactions, 
or their deteriorating effect upon trade and labor, are not for a moment 
considered. Such things belong to the realm of sentiment, and sent iment 
has no place in modern business. As Mr. llavemeyer said before a com- 
mission of Congress, "we are in business to make money for ourselves." 

We have already seen how labor fared at the hands of the Gates Steel 
and Wire Trust. The same fate awaits any employe of any trust. It 
is only a question of time and occasion. The more perfect the monopoly, 
the more abject the condition of the hired man. Yet a favorite pretense 
of the trustmen is that the condition of labor is improved under their 
combinations. One of the basic ideas of the trust combination is to reduce 
the cost of production, and the two factors of the cost of production are 


raw material and labor. Consistency is not a jewel upon which the 
trustman fixes a high price. The 300,000 traveling men discharged 
within a year by trust concerns tell a story not dissimilar to that of the 
men discharged by Gates. They will all speak at the polls in November. 
All over the country dismantled factories standing in the midst of impov- 
erished homes swell the melancholy tale. The number of these monu- 
ments to trust prosperity increases as the wave of that prosperity sub- 
sides. Only the monopolist is seen riding on the summit of the current 
which involves the workingman, the small merchant and their families 
in destruction. 

R. G. Dun & Co.'s weekly review of trade for May 19 thus defines the 
situation in the terms of business: "Business is not what it was a year 
ago, but men do not agree in defining the difference. The working force, 
then increasing fast, is now decreasing. Works are stopping to relieve 
excessive output in manufactures of paper, cotton, wool, leather and some 
forms of steel, while prices are suddenly reduced for the same purpose in 
lead, wire and nails. What seems to some merely spring dullness others 
think the beginning of a reaction. * *. * In place of the wild specu- 
lation of securities which spelled exchanges a year ago, there has come 
such liquidation that 20 preferred industrial stocks have sold this week 
at prices averaging $83.14 per share, though the same stocks sold in April 
last year for $99.06 per share, and 20 common have sold this week for 
$38.49, which sold last year at $76.99, double the price. (Common, it 
may here be remarked, is the ordinary commercial name for the pro- 
moters' watered stock. ) * * * The industrials have reached the low- 
est average they have ever known. Business in some lines has been 
hindered by the holding of prices so high as to check consumption. The 
closing of works by the capitalized Steel & Wire Co., followed by the 
reduction of $20 per ton in prices of its products ; the closing of many 
paper mills because of over-production ; the sudden reduction of TO cents 
per 100 pounds in lead from the price to which it was raised late in De- 
cember; the report that tin plate works may be closed awhile for similar 
reasons, create a feeling that some business no longer has the guarding 
and guiding influence of prices answering quickly to the demand for 

And the effect of all this upon the farmer is shown by the following 
from Bradstreet's report of the same date: "Continued dullness in 
many branches and further shading in several staple lines constitute the 


leading features of the business situation. The weakness of prices is 
displayed in lower quotations for corn, pork, butter, cheese, wool and 
cotton among the great agricultural products, and petroleum and lead 
among mineral productions." 

If a trust be over-capitalized, mismanaged or robbed by its own offi- 
cers; if the market refuses longer to endure monopolistic exaction in the 
form of high prices; if the people are unable to pay what the trust 
demands and so cease to buy at all, to get along without the goods, who 
pays the penalty of the resulting subsidence of business? Who but the 
workingman? In hard times he feels the first cut. In time of prosperity, 
though he hold his place, it is by the grace of his employer. At all times 
he is in his employer's power and that power is made more absolute in 
proportion as the trust monopoly is more perfect. 

It is true there has been voluntary increase of wages in the past 
year on the part of trust factories. But, ignoring the odious sug- 
gestion that these were made in the year of a presidential election 
with an ulterior purpose, it will be found in all instances that these 
vaunted increases were but the restoration to a stale of wage previously 
cut down by the employers. Even a trust manufacturer can see the wis- 
dom of adding 10 per cent to the wages of his employes if he know that 
the men are aware that his profits have increased 100 per cent. Selfish- 
ness is none the less selfishness because it is sometimes guided by common 

Affecting even a greater number of people than the labor question is 
the question of the effect of trusts upon the prices of commodities. Here 
again the trust men bring forward the claim that prices have been 
reduced by their combinations. The only answer to this assertion is that 
it is simply not true. Mr. Byron Holt, the eminent statistician, has 
gone into this subject thoroughly and scientifically, and he declares that 
in only two instances in all the United States hare trusts reduced prices, 
and these two exceptions are wholly equivocal. His denial is worth 
more than the whole chorus of trust inspired theorizing. Our old friend, 
the Standard Oil Trust, makes a virtue of the fact that the price of refined 
oil has fallen in the memory of living men from more than a dollar to 
less than ten cents a gallon. For this reduction of price the trust of 
course claims the credit. As a matter of fact, the price of refined oil 
fell steadily and with greater rapidity before the trust was formed than 
it has fallen since, and obviously this reduction has been due from the 


beginning to the discovery of new fields of raw petroleum and to reduced 
cost of refining and distribution. An important factor has been the 
use of pipe lines to convey the crude to the refinery and the refined to 
the market. But the pipe line was not the invention of the trust. It 
was, in fact, bitterly opposed by that combination until the latter was able 
to gair control of the more important pipe lines, whereupon they em- 
ployed them to kill competition. Such is the only use that the Standard 
Oil trust has for any invention it is forced to adopt, but it is a saying in 
the oil country that the trust is the graveyard of the inventor. 

It is not the price of the refined oil, but the margin between the cost 
of the crude and the selling price of the refined which tells the story of 
profits. And this has not decreased under the regime of the trust. It 
never will. Moreover, as Mr. Rockefeller has somewhat indiscreetly 
admitted, the by-products now utilized in the process of refining ben- 
zine, paraffine, etc. are of equal value with the oil itself, so that if the 
trust were engaged in philanthropy, it might give away its oil for nothing 
and still make fortunes beyond the "dreams of avarice." As it is, its 
profits are increasing every year; its power grows more absolute, is 
exercised more relentlessly and is felt in higher places. 

The trust is here and must be dealt with. That fact is recognized by 
all who have given the subject serious consideration, and only a, few, a 
very few, deny that the new industrial combination is an evil requiring 
instant restraint and regulation by law. Lawmakers have for years been 
more or less active to this end. As long ago as 1887 the Congress passed 
the Interstate Commerce Law, partly in view of certain tendencies of 
trade then just beginning to appear upon the horizon, but which have 
since assumed the proportions of a gigantic evil. Three years later the 
situation was such that the Congress passed what is now known as the 
"Sherman Anti-Trust Law," a general enactment declaring to be illegal 
any combination in restraint of trade. Though this enactment did no 
more than embody a plain constitutional provision, it has been found thus 
far wholly inadequate, under successive capitalistic administrations, to 
cope with the evil at which it was professedly aimed. The same is true 
of most of the laws passed by the twenty-seven States and two Territories 
whose legislatures have framed enactments upon the subject, since the 
example was set by Maine in 1889. Many of these laws have been tested 
in the courts and found wanting. Unhappily there is not lacking ground 
for suspicion that at least a few of them were framed with no better 


purpose than to be found "unconstitutional" when put to the test of the 

It is an interesting fact that the most strenuous of these enactments 
have been made by the legislatures of Democratic States. In the 
Republican States, as a rule, to which there are but few exceptions, the 
so-called anti-trust laws were either drawn by trust attorneys in trust 
offices, or else amended by the same influences in such manner as to defeat 
their usefulness. The legislature of the State of New York considered 
at this year's session a law drawn by Gov. Roosevelt, who has lately pro- 
fessed to give much attention and profound concern to the trust evil. 
But this legislature, made up chiefly of Republicans and bogus Demo- 
crats, refused to pass even the mild enactment framed by the governor. 
It is obvious that if legislative relief from the trust evil is to come at all, 
it is not to come from States in which the trusts are able to give their 
orders to party leaders, whether Republican or professedly but falsely 

In Mr. McKinlev's- <>\\ n State of Ohio the most shameful exhibitions 
of trust influence have been seen from the beginning. The Ohio legis- 
lature this year utterly refused to give serious consideration to any 
genuine anti-trust law. The people of that State have felt the oppression 
of trusts more bitterly than any other, with the possible exception of the 
strongly Republican State of Pennsylvania. With a unanimity wholly 
exceeding party limits, they demanded legislation in their own behalf 
against the exactions of the trusts. In this they were supported valiant ly 
by Attorney-General Monnett, whose campaign against the trusts while 
he was in office was one of the strongest ever made. Mr. Monnett was 
elected as a Republican, but the leaders of that party, in obedience to 
express orders from the Standard Oil office in New York City, drove Mr. 
Monnett out of the office which he had filled with so much credit to him- 
self and so much satisfaction to the people, and prevented his renomina- 
tion just as he had reached the point in his official career where he could 
have been most serviceable to the people and most dangerous to the 

Gov. Roosevelt's favorite remedy for the trust evil is that which has 
come to be known as "publicity." He would have the trusts required by 
law to make public exhibition in the form of statements, of their assets 
and liabilities, of the amount of their capital stock, common and pre- 
ferred, and in general, of the statistics of their business. This the gov- 


ernor insists would constitute a sure protection for the investor who has 
so often in the past been swindled into the purchase of worthless securi- 
ties. The same idea is contained in the recommendation of the Industrial 
Commission already referred to. The commission goes further and 
recommends the extension of the powers of the Interstate Commerce 
Commission, with a view to restricting the power of railroads to give 
discriminating rates in favor of the trusts. 

These recommendations are excellent in themselves, but they are 
wholly inadequate. Publicity real publicity might indeed be a partial 
defense against the swindle of over-capitalization. But it may be re- 
marked that the beneficiary of such a, law would be the investor, a worthy 
individual, but one who does not belong, as a rule, to the common people, 
and has few interests in common with them. The great body of American 
citizens are not investors, and are little likely to be swindled in the pur- 
chase of excessive issues of stock. The investor, as a rule, is able to 
take care of himself. He is, moreover, subject to the legal warning, 
caveat emptor which applies to the stock speculator quite as much as to 
the poor man buying a pair of boots. The solicitude of Gov. Roosevelt 
and the McKinley commission for the rich man is as characteristic as 
their neglect of the common people. 

But the chief defect of the publicity remedy is that it is wholly imprac- 
ticable. If a trust official has been guilty of breaking the law, he is 
constitutionally exempted from going on the stand and giving testimony 
that will incriminate himself. And it is a highly instructive commentary 
on the state of morals in modern business that many of the respectable, 
not to say pious and philanthropic, gentlemen who have been summoned 
to give testimony in court and before various other tribunals regarding 
the operation of their trusts, have taken refuge behind this constitutional 
provision. In New York State this phenomenon assumed such impor- 
tance that the legislature passed a law intended to enable a trust witness 
to give evidence of his own and his associates' crime without waiving the 
penalty. But the first court before which this enactment was brought 
for test smashed it upon the rock of technicality with so much ease that 
the law plainly appeared to have been framed for no happier destiny. 

So it is plain that the trustman will not tell in court the story of his 
own iniquity. In the first place, as we have seen, there is no adequate 
legal warrant for summoning him to do so. But more important still, 
it has been proved in a thousand instances that the trustuiau once upon 


the stand and cornered by skilful counsel will invariably lie. Lie is not a 
pretty word, but there is no othrv \n the language adequate to describe 
the attitude of trust official* toward the truth, even while they are under 
oath. The Standard Oil trust, in particular, has developed some of the 
greatest benefactors of education and the most export liars that the world 
hasevei- een. Its officers, many of them deacons in churchesj benefactors 
vtf : sdkoo\s, colleges. and libraries -men of the highest respectability, in a 

, have proved on the witness stand to be masters of the art of perjury 

doctors of the philosophy of tergiversation. Not a few of these gett s 
tlemen openly confess this baseness, but defend it upon the plea that their 
"business is private," urnl that nobody, no court even, no commission of 
Congress, has any right to interrogate them concerning trust affairs. 
This has become a favorite theory of the truatracu. Though created by 
the State, and by the State end>\\ c<] with special privileges out of which 
they have grown rich, they huve already in their own estimation risen 
above the Jevei <of their creator. "The business is ours," said an indig- 
nant Standard Oil official, "and nobody else has any right to it." "The 
people are ours and all that they own" the inference is plain. 

It will be seen also that the intricacies of book-keeping afford a prac- 
tical^ unrestricted field for the talents of the trust liar. With the utmost 
fttaftV of complaisance and frankness a trust book-keeper can go upon the 
'stand and give an exhibition in the juggling of figures out of which not 
even the most expert investigator could extricate the facts. The State 
of Massachusetts has already passed a law requiring foreign corporations 
doing business within its boundaries to make annual statements of their 
affairs. Most of the trusts within the provisions of this law have regu- 
larly complied with. it. The Sugar trust, notably, has published annual 
statements, but if anybody reading those documents can find out their 
meaning, or discover in that arithmetic maze any line leading to the 
truth, or anything resembling the truth, he may have the profits of the 
Sugar trust for a year as reward for his skill. And beyond doubt, Mr. 
Havemeyer would endorse this offer without hesitation, for these state- 
ments were drawn up under his own eye and with his own purpose, which, 
whatever it may have been, was not to give the commonwealth of Massa- 
chusetts any information concerning the trust's affairs. 

Such remedies as the publicity proposed by (Jov. Roosevelt and the 
Industrial Commission touch only the surface of the new industrial prob- 
lem. The only publicity that can avail for good is that which instructs 


the voters in the methods of the trusts not only the methods of organiza- 
tion and the issue and sale of securities, but the means which the trust 
employs, once it is clothed in the form of law, to secure and hold the 
special privileges upon which monopoly is founded. The phenomenon 
of the trust in its present form is so new that its real meaning has not 
yet had time to sink into the popular mind. Publicity of the right sort 
will clear the air, but it must be something more than the mere publica- 
tion of .annual statements for the guidance of Wall street gamblers. 

Of the Koosevelt and Industrial Commission remedy, it is perhaps 
enough to say that this pretended panacea has received the cordial sanc- 
tion of Mr. Rockefeller himself. In a recent interview the head of the 
Standard Oil trust expressed to a New York reporter his entire and no 
doubt sincere satisfaction with the Roosevelt law and the recommenda- 
tions of the Industrial Commission. He thought they would be a "good 
thing" for the investor and would tend to correct some of the inequalities 
of the present situation. Mr. Rockefeller has had experience with pub- 
licity of this sort. He knows it cannot disturb him or his monopoly, but 
may serve to turn public attention away from the real issue. 

But touch the subject of special privilege and you will hear a chorus 
of dissent from the trust forces. Special privileges is the essence of 
monopoly and monopoly is the trust. The Standard Oil trust was the 
first American industrial concern to discover this important principle. 
Early in its existence it secured the co-operation of the Erie and other 
railroads in a scheme which has made real competition impossible, though 
the trusts have actually refined and sold less than 75 per cent of the entire 
product. Under this arrangement the railroads multiplied its freight 
rates on oil by 2, but rebated to the Standard the entire amount of added 
charges collected from the trust's competitors, thus giving the Rockefeller 
concern free carriage for its product at the expense of its rival. Of course 
no real competition could long endure against such odds. The wonderful 
productivity of the oil region and the enormous profits in the refining 
business have enabled a small minority of refiners to continue even to the 
present time, but their struggle against the trust has been one of the 
tragedies of modern industry. One of the witnesses before the Industrial 
Commission said that the Standard Oil had refined and sold about 500,- 
000,000 barrels of oil since its organization. The value of its property 
on the basis of its earnings is at present about f 500,000,000. This would 
make a profit of f 1 a barrel upon its entire business. The independent 


refiners pathetically told the commission that they would be more than 
satisfied with a profit of ten cents a barrel. 

The Standard Oil trust has been the chief beneficiary of railroad dis- 
crimination, but by no means the only one. Such practices as that 
described were continued openly until the passage of the Inter-State Com- 
merce Law and the appointment of the commission. Since then the 
officers of the trust have invariably denied that they enjoyed any special 
rates or rebates from the railroads. This denial lias been repeated many 
times by many officials and before many tribunals, often under oath. A 
representative of the trust only last fall told the Industrial Commission 
repeatedly that his company had enjoyed no special privileges or rates 
from the railroads since the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act. Yet 
among the evidence produced before the commission were several letters 
and telegrams exchanged by the president and vice-president of the 
Oil trust on one hand and officials of the Southern Pacific Railroad and 
the Trans-Continental Association on the other. In this correspondence 
an arrangement was explicitly made by which the rate on oil to the Pacific 
coast was to be held at 90 cents per hundred-weight until the trust had 
had time to stock up its western warehouses; then the rate was to be 
raised without notice to $1.25 per hundred-weight; of course for the 
special benefit of the trust's competitors, who were thus forced to meet 
a discrimination amounting to 35 cents per hundred-weight, or more 
than thirty per cent. The representative of the Oil trust, confronted 
with this correspondence, did not deny that these letters and telegrams 
had been sent. Indeed, he could not very comfortably, as the original 
documents were in hand at the time. But at that moment his explicit 
denial of all railway discrimination in favor of its company was still warm 
upon his lips. There is nothing that a Standard Oil official will not 
assert or deny if the exigencies of monopoly seem to require it. 

Representatives of the Standard Oil trust filed with the Industrial 
Commission letters from no less than twenty managers of great railroads, 
all combining in the assertion made so confidently by Mr. Rockefeller 
and other trustmen that no discrimination had been given by the railroads 
in favor of the trusts. The value of these denials may best be shown by 
the following extracts from a letter written December 22, 1898, by Re- 
ceivers Cowen and Murray of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Company 
and addressed to Chairman Knapp of the Inter-State Commerce Com- 
mission : 


"Within the territory north of the Ohio river and east of the Mis- 
sissippi the railroad carriers are transporting the larger part of the 
inter-state traffic at rates less than those shown in the published tariff 
filed with your commission, which are by statute the only unlawful 

"While this condition continues there will exist theT unjust discrimi- 
nations and the unjust preferences and advantages between persons, 
localities and particular descriptions of traffic, the prevention of which 
is the main object of the act of Congress establishing your commission. 

"The Supreme Court of the United States has now fully determined 
the so-called anti-trust act applies to railroad carriers and in legal effect 
prohibits any agreement between them which restrains competition in 
any degree, even though such agreement goes no further than to secure 
the observance of the restraints imposed by the act to regulate Congress. 
It is therefore no longer lawful for the carriers to create by agreements 
between them joint agencies or associations, as formerly, to prevent the 
cutting of rates, however unlawful, without some impartial body to 
investigate the complaints of one competing carrier against another 
and to check illegal rate cutting, it will be practically impossible for the 
railroad carrier alone to prevent that form of competition between them, 
however earnest the great majority of the carriers may be to stop it. We 
see no reason why the commission should refuse its aid in an effort to 
prevent competition from taking the form of illegal concessions through 
secret rates, drawbacks, rebates and other devices." 

And the receivers concluded by giving their solemn assurance that 
after January 1, 1899, the Baltimore & Ohio road would abide by the 
law and refuse to give discriminating rates, thus by implication admit- 
ting that such illegal practices had been common under the previous 
management of the road. In its review of the evidence taken before that 
body the Industrial Commission has this to say on the same subject : 

"In other investigation carried on by the Industrial Commission 
(other than that upon the subject of trusts), especially that on trans- 
portation, it has been quite generally conceded by railroad men and 
shippers that even up to the present time (1900) discriminating rates 
are made in favor of large shippers." 

The Anthracite Coal trust is another product of the privilege of rail- 
road discrimination. A small coterie of railroad officials sits once or 
twice a year in an office in Wall street and arbitrarily fixes not only 


the output from the mines, but also the price per ton of hard coal. An 
increase of 25 or 50 cents a ton, such as is made at least once in a twelve- 
month, meaning $10,000,000 or 20,000,000 of tribute levied on the con- 
sumers of anthracite coal, who in one word are all the people of the 
United States, rich and poor alike. The restriction of the output by 
5,000,000 tons, a frequent incident to the business, means a hungry 
Christmas for thousands of miners in the heart of that special preserve 
of protection and special privilege, the great republican commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania, The law of Pennsylvania forbade railroad corporations 
to own coal mines, until the Pennsylvania Railroad and the Coal trust 
had it changed and construed to their liking. "The Supreme Court of 
Pennsylvania," says a recent English law writer, "was once of high 
authority throughout the English-speaking world. At present it is oper- 
ated by the Pennsylvania Railroad just as effectually as that railroad 
runs its own trains." 

A tariff of 50 cents a ton levied many years ago at the behest of these 
Pennsylvania patriots keeps out of the country the rich and excellent 
supply of Nova Scotian coal which might otherwise be a serious com- 
petitor to the trust product. Indeed, the tariff is a form of special privi- 
lege from which most of the trusts at present derive their power to 
oppress the people. "The tariff is the mother of trusts," said Mr. I lave- 
meyer before a commission of Congress. But this outburst of candor 
may have been due, at least in part, to that great financier's natural 
irritation because the sugar trust has never been able to get a tariff on 
refined sugar high enough to suit its ideas of the dignity of American 
labor and the interests of the dear people. 

Beyond a doubt the Dingley tariff bill was drawn in the interest of 
the industries now controlled by the trusts. Strange as it may seem, 
a number of well-meaning, or at least well-inspired, gentlemen appeared 
before the Industrial Commission to deny this obvious fact with con- 
siderable show of indignation at the unruly spirit which would disturb 
trade by questioning the sanctity of the tariff. But at this late day such 
denials, if they do not belong to mere academic discussion, must be 
classed among the cheap assets of the trusts. No sane person can of 
course deny that a monopoly in the United States is supported, or per- 
haps even wholly maintained, by a tariff which is high enough to keep 
out the products of other countries. It is, moreover, a matter of history 
so recent as to be remembered of all men, that the only interests repre- 


sented in the committee-room while the Dingley bill was being drawn 
were trust interests. 

It is due to the tariff in great part that the Carnegie Company is 
able to make $40,000,000 a year; that the American Steel and Wire 
trust can treble the price of its product within a twelvemonth; that 
American typewriters, sewing machines, agricultural implements, etc., 
are sold abroad at one-half to three-fourths of the prices exacted in 
America. The cheerfulness with which the American citizen and voter 
contributes of his substance to a scheme whereby Englishmen, Germans 
and South Americans, and even Asiatics, are enabled to buy American 
products more cheaply than himself, is one of the phenomena to which 
future students of human character may devote its proper meed of atten- 
tion. Our "infant industries" have reached the point where they can 
meet competition abroad and, as they have many times shown, undersell 
their foreign competitors on the latters' own ground and yet realize 
handsome profits. Meanwhile, the price of the same products at home is 
fixed at "what the tariff will bear." The phenomenal increase in Ameri- 
can exports during the past eighteen months has been chiefly of manu- 
factures, not of agricultural products. The sole benefit of this great 
development in our commerce has been absorbed by the few and arro- 
gant tariff-fed proprietors and employers of labor. The industries which 
the American people taxed themselves to support in the days of their 
struggling youth now claim the tariff as a right and they have assumed 
such proportions that they have been able to enforce their demands. 
And they will be able to do so as long as that party remains in power 
which gives them protection in exchange for their support at the polls. 

The tariff is by no means the only, perhaps not even the most import- 
ant, form of special privilege enjoyed by the trusts. We have already 
referred to one of the incidental properties or "side-lines" of the Stand- 
ard Oil trust, the International Steamship Line, sometimes face- 
tiously called the "American" Line. This corporation owes its existence 
chiefly to the Postal-Subsidy Law passed in 1891 under the administra- 
tion of President Harrison. The passage of this law may well be recalled 
in this connection in view of the similar measure fathered by Senator 
Hanna and the McKinley administration, brought before the present 
Congress. The law of 1891 was introduced to the people under circum- 
stances which vividly recall those attending the launch of the present 
ship subsidy measure. It was proposed then, as it is now, to revive the 


American merchant marine, unhappily fallen into decadence. A well 
instructed press held forth with eloquence on the patriotic duty of all 
Americans to insist in restoring the old flag to its former pre-eminence 
on the high seas. When the patriotic enthusiasm of the people had 
reached a proper pitch, the details of the law were made public. These 
were in substance that the International corporation should be permitted 
to purchase two Clyde-built steamers and have them admitted to Ameri- 
can register. There were certain conditions, as, for example, that only 
American seamen were to be employed on these ships and that the com- 
pany should within a given time build two others of equal tonnage in 
American yards. Thus we should have, as pointed out, an American 
fleet, and Columbia would once more be queen of the ocean. 

As a trifling consideration for all this patriotism, the International 
Company was to have an exclusive privilege of carrying United States 
mails and to receive therefor $4 a mile for fifty-two trips a year between 
New York and Southampton and between New York and Antwerp. 
The contract was obligingly dated ahead by the Postmaster-General so 
as to run from 1895 until 1905. It is still in force, and the ''American" 
Company derives from it an income of s;r7,r,!H; a year, m- xii,.">76,!M;() 
for the term of ten years, on the Southampton contract, and $696,800 a 
year, or $6,968,000 for the term on the Antwerp contract, a total of 
$1,354,496 a year, or $13,544,960 for the ten years. This on the mail 
contract alone, and of course wholly in addition to the ordinary and 
much larger revenues from the carriage of passengers and freight. The 
full flavor of the company's patriotism is not appreciated until we con- 
sider that the total investment in this new American fleet has not been 
more than $10,000,000. For that matter, with the government contract 
in their hands, the Standard Oil projectors of this patriotic enterprise 
(who, by the way, included a member of President Cleveland's cabinet) 
need not have invested a single dollar of their own, for any bank in the 
world would gladly advance all the money necessary to build and fit out 
the ships of a company holding so advantageous a contract. Moreover, 
with this special privilege in their favor, the company was enabled to 
drive all competition from the field if their business required that 
extraneous aid. 

As for the benefits to American labor, such American seamen as 
applied for employment on these "American" ships found to their sur- 
prise and disgust that they were not wanted. "We can get men cheaper 


on the other side," they were told. The Seamen's Union applied to the 
government for protection against this obvious violation of the law. 
They were met with fair words, but got no relief. President Harrison's 
Secretary of the Treasury (an ex-attorney for the Standard Oil trust), 
made a special ruling exempting the company from the performance 
of its agreement in respect to American labor. There the matter rested, 
and still rests, for the seamen on this side of American line of steam- 
ships are still "yankees" from the Clyde and the land of the midnight 

The subsidy law of 1900 is perhaps even worse than that of 1891, be- 
cause on its face it proposes to endow with rich government grants the 
entire Standard Oil fleet of tank vessels sailing between our Atlantic 
coast and European and Asiatic ports, and carrying trust oil exclusively. 
Nine years' possession of this form of special privilege has made the 
Standard Oil crowd arrogant. And with good reason. They have 
learned that they can absolutely control the leaders not only of the Re- 
publican party, but many of that small and discredited political coterie, 
the assistant Republicans, who for four years have been posing as Demo- 
crats of the "gold standard" variety. Indeed, some of these latter, by 
reason of their Democratic professions, are better friends to the trusts, 
and therefore worse enemies of the people, than the avowed trust men of 
the Republican party. Fortunately, the real nature of their Democracy, 
their real attitude toward the rights of the people, and their real friend- 
ship for capitalism in any form, have of late become matters of common 
knowledge. Their power for evil has waned, almost if not quite to tho 
vanishing point. They no longer represent anybody but themselves. 
Their hold upon the people is gone. 

Some of the men who left the Democratic party in 1896 were sincere, 
if mistaken, in their motives. Not understanding the prime issue of the 
campaign, they were affrighted by the outcry raised by the financici-s. 
Men of this sort are now returning, but those who abandoned Demo- 
cracy because they wished to serve, or profit by, monopoly, will not come 
back, nor should they be invited. 

This perhaps has been the most encouraging sign of the times in 
reference to the trust evil, So long as the Democracy was betrayed 
within its own house, its power to cope with the capitalistic elements 
seeking its destruction was neutralized and destroyed. Now that tin- 
false Democrats have been forced down from their seats and the people 


restored to their own, there is hope of that united and intelligent action 
which is necessary for the solution of the trust problem and of all other 
questions of equal importance now impending. 

So the remedy for the trusts may be said now to be within reach. It 
will not be the dawdling of insincere reformers or incompetent amateurs. 
Whatever direction it may take at the start, it will proceed ultimately 
toward the root of the evil. It will be drastic, it will be radical. \> 
friend of the people, no patriotic American, need fear to see the remedies 
of the Democracy at work. They will operate swiftly and effectively, but 
with smoothness. For, after all, they will amount chiefly to the enforce- 
ment of the laws and the terms of the Constitution. They will give 
effect to the Declaration of Independence, a document fallen of late into 
some disrepute, in some quarters, but still let it be believed, alive and in 
full force. 

\Yhat is needed in this crisis, as in many others in our history, is not 
so much new laws as the enforcement by honest servants of the people 
of those laws which already exist. The Democracy proposes that the 
laws shall be honestly enforced. 

In a recent newspaper article Mr. Bryan has summed up the trust 
question and some of the remedies proposed in these terms: 

"The trust principle is not a new principle, but the trust principle is 
manifesting itself in so many ways and the trusts have grown so rapidly 
that people now feel alarmed about trusts who did not feel alarmed four 
years ago. The trust question has grown in importance, because within 
two years more trusts have been organized than were organized in 
all the previous history of the country. 

"I want to start with the declaration that a tnonojtoly in /iriratc handx 
is indefensible from any standpoint and intolerable. I make no excep- 
tions to the rule. I do not divide monopolies into good monopolies and 
bad monopolies. There can be no good monopoly. There may be one 
despot who is better than another despot, but there is no good despotism. 
One trust may be less harmful than another. One trust magnate may 
be more benevolent than another. But there is no good monopoly in 
private hands, and I do not believe it is safe for society to permit any 
man or group of men to monopolize any article of merchandise or any 
branch of industry. 

"What is the defense made of monopoly? It is always placed on the 
ground that if you allow a few people to control the market and fix the 


price they will be good to the people who purchase of them. The entire 
defense of the trusts rests upon a money argument. If the trust will 
sell to a man an article for a dollar less than the article will cost under- 
other conditions, then it is said a trust is a good thing. In the first place, 
I deny that under a monopoly the price will be reduced. In the second 
place, if under a monopoly the price is reduced, the objections far out- 
weigh any financial advantage that the trust could bring. Money is 
made to be the servant of man, and I protest against all theories that 
enthrone money and debase mankind. 

"Charles R. Flint, at Boston on the 25th day of last May, defended 
trust principles before an exceedingly sympathetic audience. It was 
composed almost exclusively of Boston bankers. 

"I quote a few of the advantages to be derived from trusts from this 
high authority. First he declares: 

" 'Raw material bought in large quantities is secured at lower 

"That is the first advantage. One man to buy wool for all the woolen 
manufacturers. That means that every man who sells wool must sell it 
at the price fixed by this one purchaser in the United States. The first 
thing is to lower the price of raw material. The great majority of the 
people are engaged in the production of raw material and in the pur- 
chase of finished products. Comparatively few can stand at the head of 
syndicates and monopolies and secure the profits from them. Therefore, 
the first advantage of a monopoly is to lower the price of the raw mate- 
rials furnished by the people. Note the next advantage: 

" 'Those plants which are best equipped and most advantageously 
situated are run continuously and in preference to those less favored.' 

"The next thing after they have bought all the factories is to close 
some of them and to turn out of employment the men who are engaged 
in them. If you will go about over the country you will see where people 
have subscribed money to establish enterprises, and where these enter- 
prises, having come under the control of trusts, have been closed, and 
stand now silent monuments of the trust system. Behold the next ad- 
vantage. Mr. Flint says: 

" 'In case of local strikes or fires, the work goes on elsewhere, thus 
preventing serious loss.' 

"This means that if the people employed in one factory are not sat- 
isfied with the terms fixed by the employers and strike, the trust can close 


that factory and let the employees starve while work goes on in other 
factories without loss to the manufacturer. 

"It means that when the trust lias frozen out the striking employees 
in one factory and compelled them to return to work at any price, it can 
provoke a strike somewhere else and freeze the workmen out there. 
When a branch of industry is entirely in the hands of one great nonop- 
oly, so that every skilled man in that industry has to go to the one man 
for employment, then that one man will tix wages as he pleases and the 
laboring men will share the suffering of the man who sells the raw ma- 

" 'There is no multiplication of the means of distribution, and a better 
force of salesmen takes the place of a large number.' 

"That is the next advantage named. I want to warn you that when 
the monopoly has absolute control brains will be at a discount and rela- 
tives will be found to fight for these positions. When there is competi- 
tion every employer has to get a good man to meet competition, but when 
there is no competition anybody can sit in the office and receive letters 
and answer them, because everybody has to write to the same house for 
everything he wants. Mr. Flint says trusts have another advantage: 

" 'Terms and conditions of sale become more uniform and credit can 
be more safely granted.' 

"The trust can not only fix the price of what it sells, but it can fix the 
terms upon which it sells* And the purchaser must trust to the mana- 
ger's generosity as to what is fair. 

"What is the first thing to be expected of a trust? That it will cut. 
down expenses. What is the second? That it will raise prices. That 
is human nature. God made men selfish. I do not mean to say that lie 
made a mistake when He did, because selfishness is merely the outgrowth 
of an instinct of self-preservation. It is the abnormal development of a 
man's desire to protect himself. I often wish we might have a condition 
in which every adult who died might leave to his widow and children 
enough property for the education of his children and the support of his 
widow. Society would be benefited, because if a man dies and leaves 
no provision for his wife and children the burden falls upon society. 
But while I wish to see every person secure for himself a competency, I 
don't want him to destroy more than he is worth while he is doing that. 
I believe the principle of monopoly finds its inspiration in the desire of 
men to secure by monopoly what they cannot secure in the open field of 


competition. If I were going to try to find the root of the monopoly evil 
I would do as I have often had occasion to do go back to the Bible for an 
explanation ; and I would find it in the declaration that the love of money 
is the root of all evil. 

"Another thing that, in my judgment, has aided monopoly is a high 
tariff. Nobody can dispute that a tariff an import duty enables a 
trust to charge for its product the price of a similar foreign product plus 
the tariff. 

"Now, some have suggested that to put everything on the free list that 
trusts make would destroy the trusts. I do not agree with this state- 
ment as it is made so broadly. 

"It has been suggested that discrimination by railroads has aided the 
trusts. No question about it. If one man can secure from railroads 
better rates than another man, he will be able to run the other -man out 
of business. But even if we prevented such discrimination by placing 
every producer upon the same footing and absolutely preventing favor- 
itism, monopoly might still exist 

"The remedy must go further. It must be complete enough to prevent 
the organization of a monopoly. 

"I think men differ more as to the remedy than they do as to their 
opinion of the trusts. I venture the opinion that few people will defend 
monopoly as a principle, or a trust organization as a good thing, but there 
are great differences of opinion as to the remedy. 

"We have a dual form of government a State government and a Fed- 
eral government. This dual form of government has advantages which 
can hardly be overestimated, yet it also has its disadvantages. When 
you prosecute a trust in the United States Court it hides behind State 
sovereignty, and when you prosecute it in the State Court it rushes to 
seek Federal jurisdiction and we have some difficulty in finding a prison 
for it. 

"Every State has, or should have, the right to create any private cor- 
poration which, in the judgment of the people of the State, is conducive 
to the welfare of its people. The people of the State are able always to 
settle a question which concerns them alone. If they create a corpora- 
tion, and it becomes destructive of their best interests, they have power 
to destroy the corporation ; but if the corporation which oppresses them 
is a foreign corporation, created in another State, they cannot destroy i 
They should have power to exclude it. In other words, the people of the 


State should have not only a right to create the corporations they want, 
but they should be permitted to protect themselves against any outside 

"But I do not think this is sufficient. I believe in addition to a State 
remedy there must be a Federal remedy, and I believe Congress has, or 
should have, the power to place restrictions and limitations, even to the 
point of prohibition, upon any corporation organized in any State that 
wants to do business outside of the State. 

"I do not believe that the people of one State can rely upon the people 
of another State in the management of corporations. New Jersey has a 
law favorable to trusts. It is not safe to place the people of other States 
at the tender mercies of the people of such a State as may desire to collect 
its running expenses from the taxation of corporations organized to 
prey upon people outside.'' 



The Democratic party, being the party of honesty, believes in an hon- 
est dollar. The honest dollar has been well defined as "the dollar law- 
fully existing at the time of the contract and in view of which the contract 
was made." "An absolutely honest dollar," says Mr. Bryan, "would not 
vary in its purchasing power. . It would be absolutely stable when meas- 
ured by average prices. A dollar which increases in purchasing power 
is just as dishonest as a dollar which decreases in its purchasing power." 

The Democracy, being the party of the Constitution, stands for con- 
stitutional money, which is money based on gold and silver equally. 
Section 8 of Article 1 of the Constitution gives Congress the power "to 
coin money, regulate the value thereof and of foreign coin, and fix the 
standard of weights and measures." Section 10 of Article 1 prohibits 
the States "from making anything but gold and silver coin a tender in 
payment of debts." "I am certainly of the opinion," said Mr. Webster 
in the United States Senate, December 21, 1836, "that gold and silver at 
rates fixed by Congress constitute the legal standard value of this country 
and that neither Congress nor any State has authority to establish any 
other standard or to displace this." 

And for many years no man and no party thought of questioning the 
parity of the two metals as thus defined by these high authorities. The 
first act relating to coinage was that of April 2, 1792 It pro- 
vided for the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the ratio of 
fifteen parts of silver to one of gold. This act was prepared by Alexan- 
der Hamilton, the Federalist, endorsed by Thomas Jefferson, the Demo- 
crat, and approved by the President, George Washington. "I return you 
the report on the mint," wrote Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Hamilton. "I con- 
cur with you that the unit must stand on both metals." 

The ratio of 15 to 1 prevailed under successive Presidents without 
interruption or question until June, 1834, when, the number of grains in 
the gold eagle having been reduced, it was changed to 16 to 1. 
under the presidency of Andrew Jackson, who said in his farewell ad 
dress: "The Constitution of the United States unquestionably to secure 




the people a circulating medium of gold and silver. Under Van Buren, 
Harrison and Tyler, Polk, Taylor and Fillmore, Pierce, Buchanan, Lin- 
coln and Johnson the ratio of 16 to 1 continued and the country pros- 
pered and waxed strong. It was under the presidency of U. S. Grant, in 
February, 1873, that the famous act was passed omitting the silver dollar 
from the list of coins and making the gold dollar the unit of value." 
The passage of this law is known, and will forever be known, as the 
"crime of 1873." For those who assisted in committing it, it is but 
charity to say that most of them had no conception of the purport or 
ultimate effects of the law. 

But even this infamous statute did not deprive silver of its place as a 
basis of money. This point was brought up last February during the 
discussion of the recently enacted Republican currency bill in the Tinted 
States Senate, and Mr. J. K. Jones, replying to one of his Republican 
colleagues, said with his usual force: 

"I want to call attention to the adroit language of the first paragraph 
of this bill, in declaring that gold shall be the 'standard unit of ralue.' 
You assert that that is a continuation of the present law. That is not 
true. It is the continuation of the present practice, which is a lawless 
usurpation on the part of the executive department of the Government, 
and it is not a continuation of the law. 

"The act of 1873 declared that the gold dollar should l>e the unit of 
value, and the word 'standard' is not used in the act. The word 'stan- 
dard' means the particular dollar by which all other dollars are to be 
measured, and when you make the gold dollar the standard dollar, all 
others must be measured by it. 

"Now, when the act of 1873 was passed, declaring that the gold dol- 
lar should be the unit of value, greenbacks were a legal tender, and from 
then on until 1879 greenbacks, which were below par as measured in gold, 
were the standard of value, and the only standard of value. All calcula- 
tions were in greenbacks. Purchases and sales were made in green- 
backs, and gold was at a premium. It was bought and sold as any other 
commodity was bought and sold. It was not current money and the 
legal tenders were the standard of value. 

"The implied assertion in this bill that gold has been the standard 
of value from 1873 until now is not true in point of fact. In 1878 we 
provided for the coinage of silver dollars and made them a legal tender 
to a limited amount. Now, any legal-tender money is a standard of 


value. This is true in the very nature of things, and needs no proof. 
Any legal-tender money is a standard of value. But you undertake hen- 
to declare that the only standard, the sole standard, is the one legal 
tender which is coined in gold, and gold alone. You do this by this bill 
when you, by law, provide that it alone shall be the standard, for you 
practically effect this by making other legal tenders only representatives 
of money and not money." 

For twenty-six years after 1873 no one was more strenuous in his 
devotion to bimetallism than Mr. McKinley and his fellow leaders in the 
Republican party. Successive National Conventions endorsed planks 
asserting the parity of the metals and an unfailing loyalty to bimetal- 
lism. These professions, as we now know, were hollow, but it is signi- 
ficant that even the leaders of the plutocratic party were not yet ready 
to renounce the convictions, or at least the professions, of a lifetime and 
take their stand openly before the world on the side of the gold standard. 

In 1896 the Democratic party, tired of this long duplicity, and deter- 
mined at length to force the issue for honest money, took an open and 
unequivocal position in favor of the immediate restoration of bimetal- 
lism by the independent action of this country at the legal ratio of 16 to 1. 
Such action was made necessary by the cunningly devised evasions and 
ambiguities which had prevailed in the platforms, not only of the Re- 
publican, but of the Democratic party. The effect was instant and start- 
ling. The Democratic party was itself purged of the false friends who 
had used its house as a refuge for conspiracy against its, principles. The 
Assistant-Republicans in the party went across the line and joined their 
real friends. With them went a considerable number of less conspicuous 
individuals to whom the currency question was as yet a new one and 
who were not yet educated up to the point of endorsing the real Democ- 
racy. It is needless in the light of recent developments to say that of 
these latter all, or nearly all, have since returned to the fold. 

The Republicans, on the other hand, were forced to a declaration upon 
the money question agreeable to the convictions and aims which they 
long had secretly entertained. The issue was thus sharply defined and 
the so-called "silver question" became the paramount issue of the cam- 

The money question has lost none of its importance in the past four 
years. If it no longer occupies the unique position that it held in 1896, 
it is because the Republicans in their headlong career have forced other, 


though collateral, issues into equal prominence. Certainly the Republi- 
can party has done nothing in its latest term of power to obscure the 
importance of the money question. During the campaign four years 
ago, pursuant to their usual policy of deception, they held out to the 
large and influential body of the Republican bimetallists in the West 
the delusive hope of an international agreement out of which bimetal- 
lism would eventually be restored to this country. At the same time 
Eastern monometallism were given to understand, with scarcely a show 
of concealment, that these Western professions were for campaign con- 
sumption only and would have no force and effect if Mr. McKinley were 
elected. The intimate nature of these confidential assurances to the 
gold forces of the East was accidentally revealed to the country a few 
months ago when Mr. McKinley's Secretary of the Treasury, in a fit of 
undiplomatic candor, gave to the world a letter from Mr. Hepburn, of the 
leading bank of New York City, openly asking for favors at the Secre- 
tary's hands in return for contributions to the McKinley campaign fund 
in 1896. 

After Mr. McKinley's election the administration continued its "dou- 
ble standard'' method of dealing with the people. A commission was 
sent to Europe with the ostensible purpose of pleading before an impo- 
tent tribunal for international bimetallism. It was not expected or de- 
sired that this mission should succeed. Indeed, during its hurried 
progress, Mr. McKinley's Secretary of the Treasury was openly defending 
monometallism in this country and laboring for its establishment. 

The subsequent course of the administration plainly shows that the 
Secretary's efforts were only the beginning of a conspiracy involving the 
administration with the plutocratic forces of Wall Street for the ful- 
fillment of this purpose. Mr. McKinley's fulfillment of his oft-repeated 
promises and professions on behalf of monometallism is written in the 
currency act passed by the Congress last March and enthusiastically 
approved by the President. That measure was calculated with all the 
skill at its author's command to perpetuate the demonetization of silver, 
fasten the gold standard forever upon the country, and at one stroke de- 
feat the Constitutional provisions on behalf of honest money and stultify 
all the traditions of the nation. 

The currency question is thus more than ever one of vital interest to 
the people. The Democracy has shown and will show no disposition to 
avoid or escape its previous professions, or its well established priuci- 


pies upon the subject Now, more than ever, the party is for honest 
money, the money of the Constitution, the money of the people. Never 
before was the people's need so great of a strong arm raised to defend 
them against the encroachments of the plutocracy. Since the passage 
of their infamous currency law, the Republicans have openly boasted, as 
if it were not a crime, that the money question is "at last settled and 
settled for good." How true this is will be better known after the elec- 
tion in November, but the boast itself is sufficient indication of what may 
be expected if the party be continued in power. It is only since 1896, and 
especially within the past two years, that the Republicans have dared to 
reveal their full purpose to the country. Four years ago they would not 
have ventured to assert the principles embodied in their recent legisla- 
tion. This refusal to ta,ke the people into their confidence is not only an 
evidence of their consciousness that their policy is a dishonest one, but 
it is entirely in accord with the traditional Republican distrust of the 
contempt for the common people. From what they have done we may 
infer what they will do if they are continued in power. They have taken 
a long step in the direction of the gold standard. They have provided 
for the substitution of National bank notes for greenbacks. They have 
placed, in a word, the financial future of the country in the hands of the 
National bankers. They have handed over to the creditor the fortunes 
of the debtor class. Here they rest for the moment. But it is plain that 
they hold in reserve the entire withdrawal of the legal tender function 
from the silver dollar and the establishment of the branch bank similar 
to that which Andrew Jackson labored so successfully and so gloriously 
to destroy. It is no part of their policy during the present campaign to 
avow these intentions. But with the memory of 1896 present before us 
we are safe in assuming that by their fruits they are to be known. 

As has been intimated, there are now other issues of co-ordinate im- 
portance with that of the currency. Trusts, imperialism, militarism, 
these are three of the evils that have swiftly come to the surface during 
the past four years. Each of them is of prime importance in the present 
campaign. And yet, as Mr. Bryan has pointed out, each of them is in- 
execrably interwoven with the money question. All have the same root. 
To quote Mr. Bryan's words, "If a man opposes the gold standard, trusts 
and imperialism all three the chances are 100 to 1 that he is in favor 
of arbitration, the income tax and the election of United States Senators 
by a direct vote of the people and is opposed to government by injunc- 


tion and the black list. If a man favors the gold standard, the trusts 
and imperialism all three the chances are equally great that he re- 
gards the demand for arbitration as an impertinence, defends government 
by injunction and the black list,views the income tax as <a discouragement 
to thrift/ and will oppose the election of Senators by the people as soon 
as he learns that it will lessen the influence of corporations in the Senate. 
When a person is with the Democrats on one or two of these questions, 
but not on all, his position on the subordinate questions is not so easily 

Those advocates of the gold standard who know the real purpose and 
scope of the gold standard scheme as einlnxlied in the recent Republican 
currency act, recognize therein no less a project than that to contract the 
basic money to one-half its present volume and thereby enormously en- 
hance the value of every dollar represented by money, notes and bonds, 
and proportionately oppress and rob the people who are the real pro- 
ducers of wealth. Mr. Brooks Adams in his work on "The Law of Civi- 
lization and Decay" makes this impressive statement : 

"It appears to be a natural law that when the social development has 
reached a certain stage and capital has accumulated sufficiently the class 
which have had the capacity to absorb it shall try to enhance the value of 
their property by legislation. This is done most easily by reducing the 
quantity of the currency which is legal tender for the payment of debts." 

This assertion has a peculiar force and relevancy to the present situa- 
tion. The men who have absorbed the gold of the world are now trying 
by legislation to make it more valuable. In a speech upon the Repub- 
lican currency bill delivered in the United States Senate last February, 
Mr. William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire, discussed this phase of the 
question with great force and feeling. Mr. Chandler is a Republican 
and will hardly be accused of bias in favor of the Democratic cause or 
nominee. A part of his speech may well be quoted here: 

"The progress of the demonetization of silver, about which so much 
has been written and spoken, can be described with reasonable brevit;-. 
For many centuries down to 1873, notably for one hundred and eighty-six 
years, gold and silver coins circulating at ratios of either 14, 15 or 16 to 1 
had both been real money that is to say, neither gold nor silver coins 
had it been necessary to redeem in any other money. In round numb; i <. 
the gold coin of the world was four billions (four thousand millions) !' 
Til? silver money of the world was four billions (four thousand 


millions) . Upon this basis of eight thousand millions of coin, and in ad- 
dition the gold and silver bullion of the world, which was subject to coin- 
age if required, was built up all the other money of the world all the 
paper money of various kinds and all the credits of the world and this 
system of paper money and credits built upon metallic money was, on the 
whole, safe and satisfactory and promotive of the best interests of man- 

"In 1873 the process of making gold more valuable by legislation was 
begun.t The mints of the various countries one after another were 
closed against silver coinage. The effect of this closure was retarded by 
efforts to prevent it. Much gold bullion newly mined was yearly added 
to the coined money. Only the silver bullion, old and new, was excluded, 
and that not wholly, for much silver continued to be coined in the United 
States, and silver bullion was purchased by the Government, reaching in 
ounces 497,193,855.47 after 1873, and silver was-also coined to some ex- 
tent elsewhere. The four billions of silver coin still remained real money 
and not promises to pay gold money. The production of gold was stimu- 
lated and largely increased. The progress of demonetization was slow, 
and up to this time its injury to mankind had not been fully realized. 

"But any retardation of the movement to make gold more valuable 
does not suit the gold class. Further steps are therefore now demanded 
in the interest of that class, namely, that all the existing silver coin shall 
be put out from the condition of real money and placed in the condition of 
credit money ; that is, money all which must be redeemed on demand in 
gold. If the progress of this new principle to govern the money of the 
world which is demanded by the gold class is to prevail in free America, 
this century is to end practically with no real money in the world except 
the gold of the world, of which not much over f4,000,000,000 is coined 
money, upon which is to be built up all the paper money and all the 
credits of the world, and in addition the four billions of silver coins which 
must on demand be redeemed in gold." 

Such indeed is the situation. The real money of the world amounts 
to 14,000,000,000 of gold, and the credit money of the world, in which will 
be included silver, if it be demonetized, will be f 10,000,000,000. Upon 
this gold and this credit money are to be built all the checks and other 
credits in trade throughout the world. It is an inverted pyramid. How 
Jong would it stand? Mr. Chandler produces the following table, which 


shows at a glance the condition of the world's finances which the gold 
class intend to bring about : 

The total gold and silver money of the world is as follows : 

Gold 14,135,100,000 

Full silver 13,640,600,000 

Subsidiary silver 853,400,000 

Total silver 4,494,000,000 

Total metallic money 8,629,100,000 

The paper currency of the world is about as follows : 

Bank notes " 14,062,000,000 

Government notes 1,702,900,000 

Total 5,764,900,000 

So that the metallic money in gold and silver has been in 

excess of the paper money 2,864,200,000 

But under the proposed gold monometallism the total 

metallic or real money is the gold money 4,135,100,000 

The total money which must be redeemed is 

Silver $4,494,000,000 

Paper 5,764,900,000 


The money which must be redeemed is in excess of the 

real money by the amount of 6,123,800,000 

( See Muhleman on the Monetary Systems of the World, page 177. ) 

The course of the McKinley administration has had this advantage 
for the country. It is no longer possible to mistake the position of the Re- 
publican party upon the financial question. No longer docs any member 
of the party even profess friendship for silver. Even .Mr. ^IcKinley, the 
least assertive of men in ordinary circumstances, the "emperor of ex- 
pediency," as he has been called, who is more apt to be guided by his con- 
ception of policy than by consideration of real statesmanship, who is 
more apt to follow than to lead even he has seen his way clear to ad- 
vance the position assumed early in the history of his administration by 
Secretary Gage, and throwing behind him the professions of an entire 
lifetime has not hesitated to recommend to Congress legislation designed 


"to support the existing gold standard." It is interesting, if only as a 
study in the effect of certain influences upon a presidential mind, to con- 
trast the oft-repeated declarations of McKinley during the period before 
he had reached his present position in reference to the money question, 
with the terms of that message delivered to the Congress in December, 
1899. Here are some passages from the message : 

"In its earlier history the National banking act seemed to prove a 
reasonable avenue through which needful additions to the circulation 
could from time to time be made. Changing conditions have apparently 
rendered it now inoperative to that end. The high margin in bond se- 
curities required, resulting from large premiums which Government 
bonds command in the market, or the tax on note issues, or both operating 
together, appear to be the influences which impair its public utility. 

"The attention of Congress is respectfully invited to this important 
matter with the view of ascertaining whether or not such reasonable 
modifications can be made in the National banking act as. will render its 
service in the particulars, here referred to more responsive to the peo- 
ple's needs. I again urge that National banks be authorized to organize 
with a capital of $25,000. 

"I urgently recommend that to support the existing gold standard, 
and to maintain 'the parity in value of the two metals (gold and silver) 
and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the market and in the 
payment of debts./ the Secretary of the Treasury be given additional 
power and charged with the duty to sell United States bonds and to em- 
ploy such other effective means as may be necessary to these ends. 

"The authority should include the power to sell bonds on long and 
short time, as conditions may require, and should provide for a rate of 
interest lower than that fixed by the act of January 14, 1875. While 
there is now no commercial freight which withdraws gold from the Gov- 
ernment, but, on the contrary, such widespread confidence that gold seeks 
the Treasury, demanding paper money in exchange, yet the very situation 
points to the present as the most fitting time to make adequate provision 
to insure the continuance of the gold standard and of public confidence 
in the ability and purpose of the Government to meet all its obligations 
in the money which the civilized world recognizes as the best. The 
financial transactions of the Government are conducted upon a gold 

"We receive gold when we sell United States bonds and use gold for 


their payment. We are maintaining the parity of all the money issued 
or coined by authority of the Government We are doing these things 
with the means at hand. Uappily at the present time we are not com- 
pelled to resort to loans to supply gold. It has been done in the past, 
however, and may have to be done in the future. It behooves us, there- 
fore, to provide at once the best means to meet the emergency when it 
arises, and the best means are those which are most certain and econom- 
ical. Those now authorized have the virtue neither of directness nor 

"We have already eliminated one of the causes of our financial plight 
and c'nbarrassrnent during the years 1893, 1894, 1895 and 1896. Our 
receipts now equal our expenditures; deficient revenues no longer create 
alarm. Let us r< mon- flic only remaining cause by conferring the full 
and necessary power on the Secretary of the Treasury, anil impose upon 
lii in UK' ilnt i/ 1 1> iijiliolil tin 1 present gold standard niiil preserve the coin.* 
of the two metals on a parity irith each other, wli'u-h i.s tin- repeatedly 
declared policy <>f UK l '////<</ States. 

"In this connection I repeat my former recommendations, that a por- 
tion of the gold holdings shall be placed in a trust fund, from which 
greenbacks shall be redeemed upon presentation, but when once redeemed 
shall not thereafter be paid out except for gold." 

At this late day it seems strange to hear, even in high places, an echo 
of the old crv so familiar four years ago that the United States would not 
be able, without the aid of other nations, to maintain a given ratio be- 
tween gold and silver. So well informed a man as Senator Allison, of 
Iowa, permitted himself to make this plea during the recent debate upon 
the currency bill. Senator Jones at once pointed out to him that this 
supposed fear is not entertained by well informed persons who are aloof 
from the exigencies of a presidential campaign. Lord Atdenham, a di- 
rector of the Bank of England, and for thirty years one of the leading 
business men of the world, stated the candid English view on this subject 
when he said in answer to a direct question that the United States alone 
could, in his opinion, perform this perfectly simple feat. This country, 
as Senator Cockrell declared in the course of the same debate, "can make 
any laws on the financial question it desires, and it is a disgrace to our 
people and our race to say we cannot maintain a financial system at the 
ratio of 16 to 1, or 15 to 1." 

"I do not want any alliance with any other nation," said the Senator 


from Missouri, "I do not want any assistance from any other nation. 
I believe we are great enough and powerful enough, with resources in- 
exhaustible, with manufactures increasing year by year, and with the 
doors open to the transportation of these products to oriental countries, 
we can a.bsorb all the silver that will ever come to our mints and then 
not have enough, and yet have sufficient gold in our country to meet every 
obligation and at no premium. 

"France and the Latin Union, unaided, maintained bimetallism from 
1785 down to 1873, for our ratio of 16 to 1 was no aid to them. They 
maintained it, and their resources combined are not one-half, not one- 
fourth, of the resources and power of the United States today. We can 
maintain it. France did it. We can maintain it without any aid from 
any other nation. Other nations can not do without silver. 

"What has become of the silver that has been produced since 1873? 
You can not find 20,000,000 ounces of it on earth, except in coin money 
and ornaments. I challenge any man to deny this. You can not do 
it. It has all been absorbed; it has all been consumed, because every 
nation has to use it as money and will have to do it for all time to come. 
You can not use gold as small money, as dollars, half dollars, quarter 
dollars, dimes, nickels, and pennies, but you have to use silver. 

"Every nation is using it, and you can not take it away from them. 
Even their own governments can not do that, Germany can not take the 
thalers away from the German people. They are maintained there today. 
So it is with England; England can not take her silver away from her 
people, because 95 per cent, of all the transactions of the people of Lon- 
don today are carried on in silver. There is no danger. Lay aside your 
fears. They are only nightmare dreams. There is no real danger. You 
will have no flood of silver, you will have no great inflation." 

That debate was fruitful of notable utterances by notable men. Sen- 
ator Teller, who followed his colleague from Missouri upon the floor, 
touched upon a very serious phase of the question when he referred to 
the increasing power of National banks as factors in our financial legis- 
lation. "We have seen something of the power of the National banks," 
said the Senator from Colorado. "Within a short time we have seen one 
of the great banks, through its vice-president, appealing to the Secretary 
of the Treasury to deposit large sums, of the Government moneys in its 
coffers upon the theory that it, or its directors, had rendered valuable 
service during the last campaign to the political party in power." 


Mr. Teller, after quoting in the Senate Mr. Hepburn's letter to Secre- 
tary Gage already referred to, proceeded as follows: 

"I like to believe that the American people and the American officials 
are honest; I like to believe that they pursue proper methods. But here 
is a letter which ought to have gone back to the man who wrote it with a 
blistering reply from the Secretary of the Treasury; but it did not. It 
is put upon the files of the department. Why? Because subsequent events 
indicate very strongly that the Secretary of the Treasury intended to 
comply with that request, and to comply with it as a reward for services 
rendered in a political campaign. 

"Mr. President,! have not the language in which to express,and I shall 
not trust myself to try to express, what 1 think and feel about such a 
transaction as that; but when I see bank presidents and Secretaries of 
the Treasury acting not in the interests of the American people, but in the 
way of reward for what some man has done politically, I do not want 
these banks to get any greater power in this country than they have now; 
I do not want to see the time when they shall say, as they may, 'We will 
make money dear in this country,' or 'We will make it cheap/ Mr. 
President, we often hear of the high sense of honor which is said to exist 
;inioiig banking men, but I have no doubt the man who wrote that letter 
is as much respected and honored as any other man in the banking circles 
of New York, for what he did the rest of them are doing they are getting 
their reward for their support of the political organization now in 

Four years ago a widespread understanding, cunningly fostered by the 
gold leaders, prevailed in the East in regard to the production of silver 
and gold throughout the world, but particularly in that portion of the 
United States west of the Mississippi river. The fear was fomented of 
an "over-production of silver." Not only the "common people," so-called, 
but many of those whose professions and training should have given them 
better information on public questions, surrendered their judgment to 
this insane delusion. That eminent financier and ex-Democrat, William 
C. Whitney, in an interview in a New York paper said: "If the country 
is not being drowned in a flood of silver, it is at any rate being scared to 
death by the fear of such a deluge." 

This delusion, which has not yet been wholly dispelled, arose pri- 
marily from the inspired public speeches and newspaper utterances of 
the gold advocates. It was also due in no small degree to the grossly 


unfair practice of these same advocates of contrasting the products of 
silver and gold for short periods ostensibly favorable to their conclusion. 
And also the statistics of a single nation instead of those of the whole 
world. Honest and intelligent consideration of the question of the pro- 
duction of silver shows at a glance the unfairness of these methods. The 
annual product of silver and gold is but a drop compared with the world's 
total store of those metals which is the accumulation of centuries and 
from all nations. For one year or one decade, either silver or gold may 
pass the other in the race. But when the count is taken of centuries, or 
even half centuries, the production of the two money metals is always 
found to be approximately equal in value. The eminent statistician, 
Mulhall, estimates the world's total production of silver and gold for the 
500 years, 1380 to 1880, as follows : 

Silver $7,435,000,000 

Gold 7,240,000,000 

Or 506-10 of silver and 494-10 per cent of gold. During the 100 
years, 1792 to 1892, the ratio was 47 3-10 of silver and 52 7-10 per cent of 
gold. During the last half century it was 43 3-10 silver and 56 7-10 per 
cent of gold. Or, taking the entire century, approximately 40 per cent 
silver, 60 per cent gold. Silver forged ahead of gold in the ten years 
from 1886 to 1895. But the more precious metal has more recently 
gained the ascendency. Indeed, one of the anomalies of the gold propa- 
ganda is that the identical persons who were lately raising the alarm 
lest the country should be flooded with silver are not pointing out that 
the recent great production of gold in the Klondike and South Africa 
will suffice to maintain the supply of the more precious metal on a par 
with the demands of commerce. Of this latter claim it can simply be 
said that it is not true. The most eminent authorities on the subject 
have estimated that the entire annual ouput of the gold mines of the 
world is regularly consumed in the arts. Prof. Edward Suess of the 
Vienna University issued a pamphlet only a few years ago stating at great 
length his reasons for maintaining this contention. Other experts have 
placed the consumption in the arts variously at from 75 to 90 per cent of 
the annual output. And when to the arts is added the loss of metal by 
abrasion and similar causes it will be seen that mother earth can, at the 
most, be expected to yield a supply of the yellow metal annually sufficient 
to maintain the accumulation of the ages. There will be no increase 


proportionate to the increased demands of business, nor is it desired by 
the gold men that there should be. The essence of their design upon the 
people is not to expand, but to contract the supply of the basic metal. 
That was their purpose when they sought the demonetization of silver. 
It is easier to corner gold alone than to corner both gold and silver. 

This struggle between monometallism and bimetallism is world-wide, 
and it must go on until silver is once more a money metal, equal with gold 
or until the gold standard is universal. It will not suffice to consider 
merely the volume of money in this country at this time. Our supply of 
gold has been largely increased during the last three years and nobody 
is more surprised or less pleased at this phenomenon than the gold men 
themselves. They neither promised nor expected such an increase. But 
as against this temporary and local phenomenon place the action of Eng- 
land in establishing the gold standard in India, which is certain in time 
to cause a drain not only upon our gold supply, but upon that of all Eu- 
ropean countries. "The gold blanket," as Mr. Bryan says, "must now 
be stretched to cover nearly 300,000,000 of people in South Asia, and 
China is yet to be considered." 

There is no occasion in this campaign to discuss the ratio of 16 to 1, 
because on this subject there is only one sentiment .among the sincere 
friends of bimetallism. "There is," says Mr. Bryan, "a positive, earnest 
and active force behind the legal ratio of 1C to 1. There is no positive, 
earnest or active force behind any other ratio." 

Nor for that matter is it longer necessary to discuss international bi- 
metallism. The contest upon this question must be between those who be- 
lieve in the gold standard on the one side and on the other side those who 
believe in a financial policy made by the American people for themselves. 
And it is only Americans of the gold standard party who doubt or pre- 
tend to doubt the perfect capacity of this nation to make its own financial 
policy independent of any other power on earth. The whole question, if 
fully understood, reduces itself to a struggle between the masses who pro- 
duce the wealth of the country and the money holders and bond-owning 
classes who are seeking to corner that wealth. 

Not the least odious feature of the Republican currency bill is that 
which is intended ultimately to transfer the governmental function of 
issuing paper money to the national banks. It was to this end that the 
privilege was granted to create national banks upon a capital as low as 
25,000, that an enormous volume of new bonds (amounting to nearly 


),000,000) was provided for and that the banks were permitted to 
issue their own notes for the full amount of bonds deposited in the treas- 
ury. The gold men as a rule favor national bank notes as. against green- 
backs. The Democracy believes that the issue of paper money is and 
should remain a function of government. A currency issued and con- 
trolled by banks and secured by government bonds is bound to create a 
paper money trust and must, if it is to be permanent, rest upon a per- 
petual and increasing national debt. Mr. Teller touched upon this phase 
of the case in the speech already quoted from, when he said : 

"Mr. President, in 1893, when we repealed the Sherman act, I pre- 
dicted that the attack would be made upon the greenbacks and silver 
certificates which is now being made by all the people who are demanding 
'financial reform.' 

"We have not heard very much of it here, I admit, for it is not a very 
popular thing to go before the American people and propose the destruc- 
tion of their paper money, whether it be silver certificates or greenbacks. 
You are not doing very much loud talking about it, but you are pursuing 
the same course that those who are doing the talking are pursuing and 
every man who votes for this bill knows, or ought to know and this de- 
struction of these forms of paper money is to be the logical result of its 
passage. That is why it is being pressed here; and, as I said yesterday, 
and I repeat it now, I feel from my heart we are surrendering every pub- 
lic declaration made previous to 1896 by the great party now in power. 
That party has declared that we are incapable of creating our own 
metallic money, except by the interference and consent of foreign powers, 
and then we turn over that well known prerogative of sovereignty, which 
never ought to be surrendered the right to make money to the cor- 
porations of the country." 

And in the course of the same debate Senator Turner, of Washington, 
declared : 

"Mr. President, this process of retiring our own money in order to give 
the banks a monopoly of furnishing the money supply will require an 
issue of bonds to the amount of $792,767,289. At 3 per cent per annum, 
the amount fixed by each of these measures, this will cost the taxpayers 
every year the sum of $23,783,018.67. If we adopt twenty years as the 
average life of the bonds, the taxpayers will have paid at the end of that 
time for the privilege of further enriching the national banks and invest- 
ing them with autocratic power the sum of $475,660,373.40. These things 


come high to the taxpayer, but iu this day and age, when our financial 
institutions are found contributing $15,000,000 to one political party in 
a single political campaign, the interests of the taxpayers, who have noth- 
ing but votes to give, and who can be bamboozled into giving them, are a 
secondary consideration.' 

In an article recently published in the New York Journal Mr. Hryan 
discussed the same subject at greater length. Re wrote: 

"The advocates of the gold standard have a double purpose : First, 
they desire to make gold the only legal tender for the payment of debts, 
public and private. I have discussed this question on former occasions 
and pointed out that the necessary effect of such a law would be to create 
a greater demand for gold, which would then be the only money legally 
available for the payment of debts, and thus aid the money-owning class 
and injure the wealth-producing class. 

"The second purpose of the advocates of the gold standard is to make 
bank notes the only credit money. 

"I beg to submit a few arguments in support of the greenback as 
against the bank note. The greenback is issued by the government, and 
the volume of such money is determined by the people, acting through 
their representatives. The Supreme Court has held that such a money 
can be made a legal tender. When a man has greenbacks in his pockei 
he has money which is available for the payment of his debts; if he has 
bank notes, his money is only good when the creditor is willing to accept 
the money. 

"During the war, when gold and silver were at a premium, bank notes 
circulated on a level with greenbacks and were never worth any more, the 
reason being that national bank notes are payable in lawful money, and 
the greenback being lawful money (and at that time the cheapest 
money) was used by the banks for the redemption of bank notes. It is 
interesting now to hear these same bankers, who redeemed bank notes in 
paper when gold and silver were at a premium of over a hundred per cent, 
talk about the dishonesty of a debtor, whether the debtor be an individual 
or the government, who would redeem his obligations in anything but tli 
dearest money. 

"The bank note has been good because it has had behind it the bonds 
and the greenbacks issued by the government. If the greenback is good 
enough to stand behind the bank note it is good enough to stand alone 
without any bank note in front of it. 


"A national bank currency is objectionable because it is gross favorit- 
ism extended to a few. A bill reported by the House Committee on 
Coinage, Weights and Measures in the last Congress provided : 

"First, that the Treasurer of the United States pay out gold coin in re- 
demption of greenbacks and Treasury notes ; second, that the Secretary of 
the Treasury have authority to issue gold bonds, drawing not more than 
3 per cent, to secure the gold to maintain gold redemption; third, that 
national banks be allowed to deposit bonds and receive bank notes up to 
the par value of the bonds so deposited; fourth, that the tax on the na- 
tional banks be reduced. If this plan goes into operation, the difference 
in its effect upon the individual and the national bank may be stated as 
follows : The greenbacks are to be retired and bonds issued. This will 
mean an increase in taxes to pay the interest upon the bonds. The in- 
dividual who enjoys no special privileges will find his taxes increased, 
while the national bank, that enjoys special privileges, will find its tax 

"Second, if the individual buys a bond at par, he will lose the use of 
his money and must content himself with the 3 per cent interest. If a 
national bank invests its capital in bonds at par, it can deposit the bonds 
and secure bank notes to the face value of the bonds, thus securing a re- 
turn of its investment, and in addition to that it can draw 3 per cent in- 
terest upon the bonds. In other words, the individual parts with his 
money and draws interest, while the national bank gets its money back 
and draws interest besides. The individual must eat his cake or keep it. 
The national bank both eats its cake and keeps it. This is favoritism that 
ought not to be tolerated in a government which recognizes the doctrine 
of equality before the law. The moment the government begins to confer 
special privileges those in a position to profit by favoritism begin to 
clamor for legislation immediately in their interest, and as a result the 
instrumentalities of government are used for private gain and the true 
purpose of government forgotten. 

"There is another objection to the national bank currency, namely, 
that the national banks are given control over the volume of credit 
money. Power to issue money should never be intrusted to private in- 
dividuals or private corporations. Jefferson was an opponent of banks 
of issue, and in one of his letters declared that his opposition was so per- 
sistent that he had been denounced as a maniac by those bankers who de- 
sired to secure this privilege from the government. Benton, in summing 


up the work of Jackson, gave emphasis to his fight with the national bank, 
and compared his work with the work of Cicero, saying that when he 
destroyed the bank conspiracy he saved America as Cicero had saved 
Rome by overthrowing the conspiracy of Cataline. 

"Wendell Phillips has so well described the danger of allowing private 
individuals to control the volume of money that I quote from a. speech 
made by him a few years before his death: 

" 'In other words, it was the currency which, rightly arranged, opened 
a nation's well springs, found work for willing hands to do, and filled 
them with a just return, while honest capital, daily larger and more se- 
cure, ministered to a glad prosperity. Or it was currency, wickedly and 
selfishly juggled, that made merchants bankrupt and starved labor into 
discontent and slavery, while capital added house to house and field to 
field, and gathered into its miserly hands all the wealth left in a ruined 

" 'The first question, therefore, in an industrial nation is : Where 
ought control of the currency to rest? In whose hands can this almost 
omnipotent power be trusted? Every writer of political economy, from 
Aristotle to Adam Smith, allows that a change in the currency alters the 
price of every ounce and yard of merchandise and every foot of land. 
Whom can we trust with this despotism? At present the banks and the 
money kings wield this power. They own the yardstick, and can make it 
longer or shorter, as they please. They own every pound weight and 
can make it heavier or lighter, as they choose. This explains the riddle, 
so mysterious to the common people, that those who trade in money al- 
ways grow rich, even while those who trade in other things go into bank- 

"The third objection to national banks of issue is that the moment the 
national bank is permitted to issue money, that moment it becomes, for 
pecuniary reasons, the enemy of any government paper. 

"The banks are now urging that the issue of paper money is a function 
of the banks and that the government ought to go out of the banking busi- 
ness. Our answer is that the issue of money is a function of government 
and that the banks ought to go out of the governing business. The gov- 
ernment can not afford to build up a strong financial interest hostile to 
the exercise, by the government, of the right to issue and control both the 
metallic and paper money of the nation. 

"Our national bank circulation rests upon government bonds, and 


cannot in amount exceed the total sum of bonds outstanding. Hence, if 
the banks are to supply an increasing amount of currency to meet the 
needs of increasing population and business, the national debt must per- 
petually increase." 

The whole question ultimately leads to this : Fully twenty-five years 
ago the governing classes of Europe the creditor class determined 
that silver should cease to be money. Within a comparatively short time 
they were able to stop the coinage of that metal in nearly every mint on 
the continent. Now their influence has been made effective in the United 
States how, a patriotic American blushes even to surmise, especially 
when he remembers that, despite its great wealth, his is still a debtor 
nation and the demonetization of silver here means the doubling of their 
burdens for the toilers who have themselves borrowed money or must 
pay the heavier share of the public debt. Only the Democracy now 
stands between the people and the full realization of this crime. The 
Republican party is now openly committed to the policy of spoliation. 
Openly and brazenly committed, for it no longer has the excuse of 
ignorance which has availed to shelter some of their number from the 
full responsibility for the crime of 1873. Since that event their leaders 
have confessed. 

Mr. McKinley, in a public speech at Toledo, Ohio, as late as February 
12, 1891, said: 

"During all of Grover Cleveland's years at the head of the government 
he was dishonoring one of our precious metals, one of our own products, 
discrediting silver and enhancing the price of gold. He endeavored even 
before his inauguration to office to stop the coinage of silver dollars, and 
afterwards and to the end of his administration persistently used his 
power to that end. He was determined to contract the circulating 
medium and to demonetize one of the coins of commerce, limit the volume 
of money among the people, make money scarce, and therefore dear. He 
would have increased the value of money and diminished the value of 
everything else money the master, everything else the servant. He 
was not thinking of 'the poor' then. He had left 'their side.' He was 
not standing forth in their defense. Cheap coats, cheap labor, and dear 
money! The sponsor and promoter of these professing to stand guard 
over the welfare of the poor and lowly ! Was there ever more inconsist- 
ency or reckless assumption !" 

The Republican party platform in 1892 contained this plank : 


"The American people, from tradition and interest, favor bimetallism, 
and the Republican party demand the use of both gold and silver as a 
standard money, with such restrictions and under such provisions, to be 
determined by legislation, as will secure the maintenance of the parity of 
values of the two metals so that the purchasing and debt-paying power of 
the dollar, whether silver, gold, or paper, shall be at all times equal. We 
commend the wise and patriotic steps taken by our government to secure 
an international conference and adopt such measures as will insure a 
parity between gold and silver for use as money throughout the world." 

The leaders of this same party are now exultingly proclaiming that 
"the silver question is dead." It is not dead, but if it were, there might 
be written on its tombstone "Dead in the home of its friends; murdered 
by the author of it being." 

It will be a part of the Democracy's fight in this campaign to prevent 
such violence to a living issue. As a well known orator recently said: 
The fight is to be renewed on the same lines and under the same leader- 
ship. And now that the Kepublican party has come out into the open, 
recanted even its hypocritical professions made at St. Louis, become the 
open advocate of all the industrial trusts, and made itself the father of 
the great monetary trust erected by the measures now pending and under 
consideration the trust of trusts, which is to crush the lifeblood not out 
of labor alone, but out of every profession, avocation, and pursuit not 
allied to itself who can don I it that the enlightened conscience of the 
nation will at last triumph over the force and fraud and corruption which 
before stood in its way and which will be again opposed to its just and 
humane demands? 



The Democratic party is both conservative and progressive. It is 
even radical in the sense that it attacks the evils of government at their 
root. Its platforms and party utterances for a full century have con- 
tained the essence of the law and the Constitution. Of the latter 
instrument it has ever been the only faithful conservator. The pro- 
gressiveness of the party is proved by the unfailing readiness of the 
party to apply established truths to new conditions. But from the 
fundamentals of the truth it has never departed, and never will. 

Truth is eternal always old, ever new. A principle founded on 
the universal experience of mankind is an infallible rule of conduct 
for each successive generation. 

The Declaration of Independence differs from most national char- 
ters in that it asserts not only the rights of country, but the rights of 
man. Its great author, the founder of the Democratic party, was not 
merely a patriot, but a lover of his kind; a friend of universal liberty 
and equal rights. "All men," says his most famous work, "are created 
equal." Not all Americans merely, but all men. Jefferson, though 
born in an atmosphere of aristocracy, was an instinctive lover of those 
whom Lincoln used to call the plain people the people whom he said 
"the Lord must love because he made so many of them." Jefferson 
spent several years in France in the cataclysmal period of the Revolu 
tion, and there he imbibed that hatred of oppression and horror of 
anarchy which inspired all his subsequent acts and writings. 

It is necessary at times to hark back to the remote past, if only to 
find a fitting rebuke for the dishonesty and charlatanry which char- 
acterize the present day politics, especially the politics of the party 
now in power. A large number of the American people have been 
born and bred in an atmosphere of political hysteria. They reason, an 
some cynical philosopher has said, with their stomachs and think with 
their livers. For years following the Civil War it was enough to defeat 
any measure, however patriotic or reasonable, on its merits that some 
demagogue should raise the blatant cry of "Traitor!" As lately as 



1880 a famous Republican editor, now dead, made the cynical observa- 
tion in his newspaper that there was "still one more Republican presi- 
dent in the 'bloody shirt.' " 

The "bloody shirt" has ceased to be an important factor in Ameri- 
can politics, but the "old flag" is still employed to carry an appropria- 
tion or cover a steal. This standard, for example, was very much in 
evidence ten years ago when the Standard Oil syndicate was seeking 
a |10,000,000 subsidy in the form of mail contracts for a line of trans- 
Atlantic steamers. The syndicate did not seek in vain, and even now 
the American tax-payer is annually footing the bill; whereas the so- 
called American line of steamers is probably the most un-American 
institution that enjoys the shelter of the Stars and Stripes. The "old 
flag" has been seen within a few months, waved by the same hands with 
the same outcry and for the same purpose, namely, to induce the tax- 
payer, under pretense of "restoring the Stars and Stripes to the seas," 
to heap wealth and favors upon rich ship owners whereby they shall 
be able to drive all competitors from the ocean. Whether this second 
patriotic scheme shall succeed or not depends entirely upon whether 
Mr. McKinley, the candidate of all monopolists, shall be re-elected to 
the presidency. 

The same gallant flag is always employed to defend every scheme 
of the plutocracy: tariffs, imperialism, militarism, all forms of spolia- 
tion. It is made also to discredit in the popular mind whatever reform 
is intended to check these evils; to restrain special privilege, to take 
government out of the hands of the few and restore it to the people. 
The proponents of reform, according to this school of patriotism, are 
always "traitors," or "cranks." 

The cry is not a new one. When Jefferson established free public 
schools in the colony of Virginia to be supported by general taxation, 
he was denounced as an "atheist," a "socialist" and a "robber." Educa- 
tion in the colony before this time had been a special privilege for the 
children of the rich. It was in the hands of the clergy to whom it was 
a source of handsome profit. So not only the church, but the entire 
wealthy and exclusive class rose as one man against the reformer who 
dared to suggest that the rich should be taxed to help pay for the 
education of the poor. A man of less conscience and less courage than 
Jefferson would have yielded to this clamor and abandoned the reform. 
It is largely because Jefferson was not of the weakling type that educa- 


tion in the United States is now practically universal, the system being 
formed very closely upon his model. 

Against the same opposition the author of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence effected the disestablishment of the church in his colony. It 
was he who broke down the mediaeval system under which church and 
state were united and established freedom of religion by which every 
man may worship God according to the dictates of his own conscience. 
We are perhaps too prone to accept these blessings of liberty as a 
matter of course, forgetful of the struggles that they cost and of the 
sublime courage required to procure them at the start. The "fads" of 
one generation are often the cherished institutions of the next. The 
blood of the patriot is the seed of liberty. 

The same intolerant clamor that assailed Jefferson while he was 
fighting for free schools and the separation of church and state in the 
ancient colony on the James survives in our own day to attack any 
reformer whose idea of popular rights is inimical to the permanence 
of special privilege. The same classes that rose against the reforms 
of 100 years ago are to-day the ever ready opponents of all political 
forms aimed at their exclusive rights. 

The friends of the initiative and referendum are familiar with this 
peculiar form of opposition. They sustain it easily, conscious not only 
that the measure is just and equitable, but that it is no mere "modern 
fad." Jefferson was a friend of the initiative and referendum. He 
strove earnestly to incorporate the system into the new constitution 
of Virginia which he helped to frame. He proposed that the acts of the 
legislature should under certain conditions be submitted, for their 
approval or rejection, to the people. In this he was overruled, but the 
fact that he favored it proves his wonderful insight of human character 
and his no less wonderful fore-knowledge of the dangers that were 
bound to assail the republic. It is almost as if he had an inspired vision 
of conditions which were to come a century later. He saw then what 
one hundred years' experience has taught us, that representative gov- 
ernment is too often not a government of and by the people. We have 
learned that, though the people elect their representatives, they cannot 
always control them or even protect themselves against betraj^al or rob- 
bery by those whom they elect. He foresaw that the bribe giver would 
never be able to corrupt all the people, or half of the people, but that 
he might, could and almost certainly would bribe half a legislature or 


even all of it, when there was enough at stake, and that against this 
evil the people would be powerless to protect themselves. 

The Democracy to-day reaffirms this principle of Jefferson and 
points to the experience of recent years as proof of its wisdom. It is 
scarcely too much to say that so-called representative government in 
the United States has become a by-word and a jest. We elect repre- 
sentatives to congress and stand supinely by while they, in defiance of 
the express will of their constituents, boldly betray the popular inter- 
ests into the hands of rich and powerful bribe givers. A startling 
instance was afforded by the recent action of congress upon the Porto 
Rican tariff bill. It is not forgotten indeed, it never can be with 
what unanimity the people arose to protest against the monstrous 
proposition of levying a tariff upon these islanders whom we had invited 
to become fellow citizens of the republic. East and west, north and 
south there was but one voice heard, and that demanded the fulfillment 
of those promises upon which the Porto Ricans had flocked to our stand- 
ards and embraced our allegiance. Yet the v<i< of the people, thus 
unmistakably expressed, was powerless against the silent persuasions 
of the trust lobbyists who flocked to Washington in behalf of the un- 
constitutional tariff. Not only the congress, but the Presiden! of the- 
United States, dared to defy the people, even on the eve of an election, 
in order to carry out the behests of the monopolists. 

Proofs so striking of the unrepresentative character of so called 
representative government have happily not been numerous in our 
history. But if this offense be suffered to go unrebuked, who ran say 
how frequent or how flagrant they will become in the future? Monopoly 
does not willingly relax its grip. Whatever it has, it holds. It takes no 
willing step backward. Only the people only the Democracy can 
avail to check a tendency so subversive of the Constitution, so full of 
menace to the sovereignty of the people. The Democracy accepts the 
mission. It asserts now, as Jefferson declared more than one hundred 
years ago, that an unfailing remedy and preventive of such outrages is 
to be found in the establishment of the referendum. It is a basic prin- 
ciple of the Democracy that everything may safely be left to the people. 
They may err, but they can always be trusted, because they will always 
right themselves. The forty years' carnival of lawlessness and dishonor 
which has reached its climax at the close of this century, could not and 


would not have taken place if this simple principle had been in force 
since the Civil War. 

One of the fetiches of the unthinking voter is the supposed infalli- 
bility of the federal courts and the sanctity of their life tenure of office. 
The slightest word raised against these sacred institutions sufficed four 
years ago to start the whole course of bogus patriots under the leader- 
ship of their self-appointed leaders, the plutocrats. But the federal 
courts are not, as many seem to suppose, of divine origin, or under the 
special protection of Providence. They were not, in their present form, 
even a part of the original conception of our government. Jefferson, 
who knew men as very few have known them before or since his time, 
was quick to recognize the perils implied in the bestowal of tenure of 
office upon these judges. He was in Europe while the Constitution was 
being framed, but from the other side of the Atlantic he sent home a 
note of alarm over the manner in which his colleagues at home had built 
up the federal judiciary. Here, he pointed out, was a co-ordinate 
branch of the republic that was "neither republican nor democratic, but 
monarchical and aristocratic in character;" holding office for life, re- 
sponsible to no one. "It has long been my opinion," he wrote to a friend, 
"and I have never shrunk from its expression, that the germ of dissolu- 
tion of our federal government is in the constitution of the federal 
judiciary, an irresponsible body working like gravity by day and by 
night, gaining a little to-day and a little to-morrow, and advancing its 
noiseless step like a thief over the field of jurisdiction until all shall 
be usurped from the States and the government of all become consoli- 
dated into one. To this I am opposed, because * * such a govern- 
ment will become as venal and oppressive as the government from which 
we separated." 

In 1800 Jefferson wrote to another friend: "You seem to consider 
the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions. A 
very dangerous doctrine indeed and one which would place us under 
the despotism of an oligarchy. Our judges are as honest as other men 
and not more so. They have with others the same passion for party, for 
power and the privilege of their corps. And their power is the more 
dangerous, as they are in office for life and not responsible, as the other 
functionaries are, to the elective control. The Constitution has created 
no such tribunal, knowing that to whatever hands confided, with the 
corruption of time and of party its members would become despots. 


The Constitution has more wisely made all the departments co-ordinate 
and co-sovereign within themselves." In 1789 Jefferson wrote to Mr. 
Arnold: "We all know that the permanent judges acquire an esprit do 
corps, that they are liable to be tempted by bribery, that they are mis- 
led by favor, by relationship, by a spirit of party, by a devotion to the 
executive or legislative power. Juries have been the firmest bulwark 
of English liberty. Were I called on to decide whether the people had 
best be omitted in the legislative or judiciary department, I would say 
it is better to leave them out of the legislative." 

Here again we have an utterance of the olden time which seems to 
have been inspired with a truly prophetic vision of what was to come 
to pass later. For more than one hundred years the republic grew great 
and rich and powerful, protected life and property, and punished crime. 
It is only within very recent years that government by injunction has 
risen to the surface as a reminder that the great founder spoke truly 
when he said that the men surrounded by aristocratic privilege were 
almost of necessity bound to become aristocratic in their leanings, their 
sympathies and their cast of thought. 

It is only of late also that the use of the military power as a con- 
venience for private monopoly became a feature of our public life. 
This is another manifestation of the tendency of special privilege in 
the hands of the few to become an instrument of oppression against the 
many. It is an outgrowth of the same aristocratic spirit that confers 
an important branch of the government upon a few men for life, ex- 
empting them from removal or even criticism by the people whose most 
sacred privileges rest so largely within their discretion. As was seen 
at Coeur d'Alene last year, an executive obedient to the voice of plu- 
tocracy, backed by courts who know no responsibility to the people, can 
and will make short work of constitutional rights and popular liberty. 

The progressive Democracy has always been opposed in its efforts 
to effect a fair distribution of the burden of taxation, especially since 
the Civil War. The party in power during this period has always been 
able to muster a controlling force in every branch of government, to 
defeat any measure having for its purpose the imposition upon the rich 
of their fair share of the cost of supporting the government. When the 
taxes entailed upon the country by that great struggle were gradually 
removed after its close, the taxes bearing upon the rich were taken off 
first. Those contributed by the poor were abated but slightly or left 


intact, or even, as in the case of the tariff, increased. The Democracy 
has always opposed the so-called protective tariff because it is fruitful 
of special privilege and in every way unjust to the common people who 
bear the burden, not only of the impost itself, but of all the injustices 
to which it gives rise. As we have seen, the tariff is the "mother of the 
monopolistic trusts." One of its chief beneficiaries has made this ad- 
mission in the words quoted which have now become historic. The 
tariff has been retained and even augmented in its power for evil be- 
cause its beneficiaries, now risen through its operations to the rank 
and estate of multi-millionaires, are more powerful in our legislative 
and executive halls than the people themselves. 

for reasons wholly similar the Democracy opposed the abolition of 
the income tax the rich man's tax after the Civil War. Herein the 
party had the support of a few Republicans whose intelligence and 
sense of justice was superior to that of their party colleagues. Senator 
Sherman, of Ohio, was one of these and his words may be quoted here 
for the benefit of those enlightened patriots who love to class the income 
tax with other reforms which, because they are beyond their under- 
standing, or without the pale of self-interest, are denounced as idle 
theories and crankeries., Mr. Sherman's protest in the Senate against 
the repeal of the income tax was voiced in these words: 

"I hope that after full discussion, nobody will vote for striking out 
the income tax. It seems to me to be one of the plainest propositions in 
the world. Put before the people of the United States the question 
whether the property of this country cannot stand a tax of $20,000,000, 
when the consumption of the people stands a tax of $300,000,000, and 
I think they will quickly answer it. The property-holders of the coun- 
try came here and demanded the repeal of the only tax that bears upon 
their property, when we have to tax everything, the food of the poor, 
the clothing of the poor, and all classes of our people $300,000,000." 

In several successive Congresses attempts have been made in the 
name and with the support of the Democracy, to secure an amendment 
to the federal Constitution providing for the direct election of Senators 
in Congress by the people whom they are supposed to represent. These 
measures have in several instances been passed by the House of Repre- 
sentatives, they have invariably been defeated in the Senate. A sharp 
line is drawn here between the rights, interests and demands of the 
people and those of the plutocracy. In the course of the years our gov- 


ernruent has so shaped itself that the Senate is now the most potent 
single factor at Washington. It has gradually acquired virtual control 
of all federal patronage. It does not hesitate to dictate to the Presi- 
dent. It exercises a power of veto which has always sufficed at will to 
nullify the action of the popular branch of the federal legislature. 

With this increase of power has come an increase of arrogance, until 
to-day the most powerful and relentless enemy of popular rights in the 
United States is the United States Senate. It is the American House 
of Lords. 

It is only a corollary to this proposition that the United States 
Senate is a body mail-- up almost exclusively of very rich men and their 
attorneys. The Senators no longer even pretend to represent the people. 
They go to Washington as the avowed agents of organized wealth. It 
is more than a jest and no less than the truth that they have become a 
"millionaires' club." 

Beyond a doubt this unenviable character in the supposedly higher 
branch of our federal legislation is due in great part, if not altogether, 
to the manner of the election of Senators. Organized wealth has not 
been slow to discover how much easier and simpler it is to purchase the 
election of these important functionaries in the Legislatures of the re- 
spective States than it would be at the polls. As a consequence the suc- 
cessive elections of Senators in Congress at the various State capitals 
have become occasions for the most shameless and revolting coercions 
and bribery. It would not be difficult, if need were, to name Senators 
of apparent good standing among their fellows, members of important 
committees, shapers of vital legislation, advisers of the executive who 
owe their places entirely to the <lept h of their pockets and the unscrupu- 
lous manner in which they have emptied them. 

The Democracy has demanded, and will not cease to demanc 1 that 
this evil be corrected by removing its first and most obvious cause. 
Moreover, it is entirely consistent with Democratic principles that the 
representatives of the people should in every way possible be brought 
nearer and nearer still to the people whom they represent. 

For the better protection of the people and their rights also, the De- 
mocracy continues to insist upon the federal ownership of the tele- 
graphs, telephones and parcel expresses, and the municipal ownership 
of such public utilities as the manufacture of gas, the distribution of 
water and the operation of street cars and electric plants. This is not 
the place to elaborate the principles upon which these reforms are 


based. It will suffice to say that no small part of the corruption in our 
politics, both local and national, is due to the private ownership of these 
great properties whose value rests so largely upon the operation of pub- 
lic franchises, the use of public property. So long as these franchises 
involving the use of public streets and highways for private profit are 
in the market, so long will the rich bribe-giver conspire with the bribe- 
taking public official to betray the people. Every city, and especially 
every large city in America, is full of examples of this abuse of wealth 
and power. The methods of operation are similar in all cases. The 
openness and audacity with which they are practiced increases from 
year to year. 

The progressive Democracy stands unequivocally for direct legisla- 
tion by the people, for the initiative and referendum. The question came 
before the platform committee of the Democratic National Convention 
four years ago in Chicago', but was set aside by a, narrow majority upon 
the question of expediency. The developments of the succeeding four 
years have been such as favor such a declaration at this time with re- 
newed emphasis. 

This is another of those so-called "reforms" commonly ascribed by the 
ignorant and dishonest to the whimsicality of the crank and faddist. 
But no intelligent man is ignorant that direct legislation was an in- 
tegral part of our original government as it must be of any government 
of and for the people. Indeed it is favored by the Democracy for no other 
reason than that it tends to the restoration to the people of the rights to 
govern themselves in their own way. The old town meeting, sacred to 
New England memories, was no more or less than a form of direct legis- 
lation. The people gathered and spoke their will, which thus became the 
highest law. 

Increase of population, and especially the growth of cities, ha.s made 
this primitive form impracticable, and with this drifting away from the 
original methods have come evils of increasing magnitude which seem, 
some of them at least, to have reached their climax in the past four years. 
To meet these evils and to restore to the people the voice which had been 
taken from them in the management of their own affairs, the Democracy 
favors any method tending to restore direct legislation, and the initiative 
and referendum are the most practicable of any hitherto suggested. 

Here again it is not necessary to confine ourselves to speculation and 
argument, because so many concrete examples of fact are within easy 


reach. The city of San Francisco has adopted the initiative and referen- 
dum in respect to all ordinances and amendments to the charter to which 
the people choose to apply them, and the results have been such as to en- 
courage the extension of the system elsewhere. Several cities of Cali- 
fornia have already followed the example of the coast metropolis. So 
has Seattle, Washington, a city of 42,000 inhabitants. Farther east, the 
charter of Greater New York was submitted to the people for approval or 
rejection, an instance of the referendum principle, which, however, was 
not embodied in the charter itself. In no less than five States municipali- 
ties have been given the right to adopt home-made charters by referenda! 
vote. It is coming more and more to be the custom in special legislative 
grants of franchises to insert a clause requiring submission of the matter 
to a vote of the people. The municipal referendum on local bond issues 
is now almost a universal custom. In 1897 Nebraska passed a law re- 
quiring municipal direct legislation on a 15 per cent petition. A similar 
law was passed in South Dakota in the following year. Direct legisla- 
tion amendments or laws have indeed been introduced in almost every 
legislature in the country. , 

This revival of an old form belongs in its most active exercise to recent 
years. It is no exaggeration to say that the movement has taken tre- 
mendous hold upon the people. The time is not far away when the op- 
ponents of direct legislation will be a minority much smaller and much 
more contemptuously treated by the majority than its advocates have ever 
been in the past^ It is known, of course, that the system exists in its 
fullest development in the republic of Switzerland, where popular gov- 
ernment in its purest form to-day exists. 

In our own country the supporters of direct legislation include such 
prominent Democrats as William J. Bryan and George Fred Williams, 
such Republicans as John Wanamaker, Governor Pingree, Senator Irwin 
and Congressman McEwan; such Prohibitionists as ex-Gov. St. John; 
such Populists as Senator Marion Butler and Chief Justice Doster, and 
such other eminent men as Henry D. Lloyd, B. O. Flower, Prof. R. T. Ely, 
Prof. John R. Common, Prof. E. W. Bemis, William Dean ITowclls, Dr. 
Lyman Abbott, Dr. George C. Lorrimer, the Rev. Washington Gladden, 
Samuel Gompers and Eugene V. Debs. The Farmers' Alliance and In- 
dustrial Union with 3,000,000 members, and the American Federation of 
Labor, nearly 1,000,000 in number, besides tho Knights of Labor, the 
Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, the Order of Railway Conductors; 


in a word, practically all organized labor is heartily in favor of the move- 
ment and a considerable number of the unions employ the initiative and 
referendum with success in their own affairs. The movement has been 
endorsed by more than 3,000 newspapers and magazines in the United 
States; by church conferences, Christian Endeavor Societies, Epworth 
Leagues, Good Roads Associations and numerous other societies of high 
standing 1 . In a letter to Mr. Frank Parsons, dated May 22, 1897, Win. 
Dean Howells stated his views thus: "I am altogether in favor of 
initiative and referendum as the only means of allowing the people really 
to take part in making their laws and governing themselves." 

Perhaps the case was never better stated than by Mr. H. D. Lloyd 
when he wrote : "Direct legislation, the initiative and referendum, must 
be supported by every believer in free government. The people have 
carelessly allowed their delegates in party, corporation and government 
to become their rulers, and now they are awakening to the startling fact 
that the delegate has become their exploiter. The people are losing con- 
trol of their means of subsistence because they have lost control of their 
government, the most powerful instrumentality for the creation and dis- 
tribution of wealth in society. Its government must be recovered by the 
American people. Direct legislation would be the ideal means for this 
peaceable revolution. No future republic will ever repeat the mistake 
of giving its delegates the opportunity to become its members." 

William Jennings Bryan has spoken with his usual clearness and 
force upon this important subject. "Democracy," he says, "is not merely 
a party name. Democracy has a meaning. Democracy means a govern- 
ment in which the people rule and that is all we ask for. We are willing 
to submit any question that concerns the people of this country to the 
people themselves. The principle of the initiative and referendum is 
democratic. It will not be opposed by any Democrat who endorses the 
declaration of Jefferson that the people are capable of self government, 
nor will it be opposed by any Republican who holds to Lincoln's idea that 
this should be a government of the people, by the people and for the 

Mr. Tom L. Johnson's paper, "Trusts and the Remedy," read before 
the Chicago Anti-Trust Conference, has attracted so much attention 
among thinking men, and in the main so well defines the attitude of the 
progressive Democracy towards the evil of special privilege, tha* the sub- 
stance of it may well be incorporated herewith. 


Mr. Johnson has perhaps had as large a practical experience with 
problems involving organization and large capital as any man holding his 
views on the subject. He believes in the absolute freedom of combination 
and competition for corporations, as well as individuals. He stands for 
what he calls the "natural order." "It is plain to my mind," he says, 
"that competition is the natural order among free men and that im- 
mense benefits to the whole community result therefrom. Not the least 
of the benefits is the fact that competition under proper conditions results 
in combinations of individuals and aggregations of their capital and of 
their ability." 

The evil is not in the aggregation of capital, but in the bestowal of 
special privilege, and this evil, he says, would exist in quite as great a 
degree if the privilege were conferred upon a partnership or upon an in- 
dividual. "It must be plain to everybody that the right of incorporation 
or the right of combination and aggregation has nothing to do with the 
evil. Just to the extent that the law imposes restrictions upon some 
men and not on others; just to the extent that the law grants special privi- 
leges to some which others cannot have, will the public suffer from the 
evils of trusts. * * * If we change the law so that it will be im- 
possible for some men to acquire these kinds of advantages over others, 
we shall have removed sul^tantially all the evils of trusts that are now 
complained of." 

These restrictions and special privileges Mr. Johnson classifies under 
five heads : 

Patent monopolies. 
Municipal monopolies. 
Transportation monopolies. 
Taxation monopolies. 
Land monopoly. 

Taking these in their order Mr. Johnson says of patent monopolies 
that they "are supported by the argument that they encourage inven- 
tions and development of the useful arts. I do not believe that they 
really have this effect. On the contrary, they cut off from us the op- 
portunity to take immediate advantage of the world's inventions; they 
exert upon men an influence as baneful as the most corrupt lottery, by 
tempting them from regular work and useful occupations; and they in- 
terfere with what, in my judgment, is the natural development of inven- 


tion. Useful inventions come naturally, and almost inevitably as the 
next necessary step in industrial evolution. Most of them are never 
patented, and the patents that are granted interfere with the natural 

The remedy which Mr. Johnson suggests is "to repeal the patent laws 
which would at once limit this particular form of governmental favor to 
not more than seventeen years., being the life of the longest existing 
patent." "If inventors must be rewarded," he says, "would it not be bet- 
ter to pay them a bounty than to continue a system productive of so much 
evil. We could then measure accurately, in dollars at least, the cost of 
the folly." This is, however, the expression of an individual Democrat, 
not having found echo in any party platform. 

Mr. Johnson's treatment of municipal monopolies is no less interest- 
ing. These, he says, consists of rights and special privileges in the pub- 
lic streets and highways, which in the nature of the case cannot be pos- 
sessed by all the people and can only be enjoyed by a, few. 

"A constant struggle goes on to obtain such privileges with the result 
of checking and retarding for a long time necessary public improvements. 
* * * They can be best carried on with the best results to the public 
under a single management and with a single consistent policy. Where 
competition prevails in such businesses almost invariably the public serv- 
ice is inefficient and defective. Wherever there is unity the condition of 
things is much better." 

This naturally leads Mr. Johnson up to the proposition, "to enlarge 
the functions of municipality so that the means of transportation and 
communication and the supply of water and light shall be furnished by 
public authority and not by private enterprise, and to extend this prin- 
ciple to its logical result of taking under public administration all busi- 
nesses which require the grant of any special right or privilege." 

After pointing out that the world has already made some progress 
towards this desideratum, Mr. Johnson asks. : "Why not go on till there 
shall be no more private property in special grants or franchises and 
until all business requiring such grants shall be carried on by the munici- 
pality? * * * The evils which a great many timid people fear as 
likely to arise from enlarging the scope of the functions of municipality 
are trivial in comparison with the evils which are inseparable from the 
present systemi As long as the great rewards which these monopolies 
offer to private enterprises are possible, your industries will be ham- 


pered, your politics will be corrupted by bribery and fraud, and your peo- 
ple will have to pay unnecessarily high, prices for these kinds of service, 
and service of a poor quality." 

Mr. Johnson is not in any sense an apostle of physical revolution or 
indeed of revolution of any kind. "I would not," he says, "advocate any 
disregard of existing rights or any confiscation of existing property. It 
would be no violation of existing rights for cities to erect their own plants 
and to compete for the business, as they could readily and successfully do 
with the present private owners. It would be no violation of existing 
rights for cities to use their tax power so as to compel the present private 
owners to bear the same proportion of public burden according to the 
value of their property, including franchises which owners of other kinds 
of private property have to bear. It would be no violation of existing 
rights * * * for the cities or states to regulate fares and rates of 
compensation so as to make them yield only a fair return on the actual in- 
vestment made rather than upon a fictitious capitalization based mainly 
upon franchises or special privilege value. In short, municipalities 
ought not to hesitate what private persons in business do as a matter of 
course. * * * They should take* advantage of every right that is left 
to themselves to get rid of the present system and substitute therefor a 
regime of public ownership and operation." 

Of the transportation monopolies, which include freight lines, sleep- 
ing car companies, express and telegraph companies, Mr. Johnson, for the 
sake of greater clearness, restricts himself to railroads alone. What he 
says on that subject may be quoted here for its application to other forms 
of monopoly. After dwelling briefly upon the sequence of events by 
which the railroads, from being in their original public highways like 
wagon roads, have come to be regarded as private highways subject to 
private ownership and control. Mr. Johnson proceeds to the next step in 
railroad history, namely, the combination of lines into systems and of 
small systems into great ones. "This centralizing movement," he says, 
"has within the past decade proceeded so fast that now substantially the 
whole railroad business of the United States is under the control of a 
score of men. * * * This is a natural process. Concentration 
means greater economy in operation and greater public facilities, and 
must occur wherever railroad development is given free play under pres- 
ent conditions, whether under private ownership or under public owner- 
ship, as in continental Europe and Australia." 


"But let us anticipate the end of this perfectly natural tendency. We 
must see the appearance of one directing mind, the kingpin, the dictator, 
the supreme monarch in the railroad world. Compare in your mind's 
eye the powers of such a man with the powers of the President of the 
United States. Who would command more men? Who receive the 
larger revenues? Who have the greater control of the pockets of the 
people? In short, whose> favors would be more courted? * * * 
Which would have the dominant power the man representing the people 
or the man representing privilege; the one voted for by men or the one 
voted for by shares of stock?" 

Concerning the efficacy of existing legislation, Mr. Johnson then asks, 
"Can interstate commerce commissions prevent these conditions? Why, 
railroad owners themselves cannot prevent it, for it is in the natural 
order. If government control failed before railroads were consolidated, 
what can it do after consolidation is perfected?! If discriminating rates 
have worked such evils on trade in the past, what must be their effect 
in the future? If railroads have hitherto controlled legislation, what 
will they do when all their power is vested in one man?" 

What then is the remedy? Socialism, as Mr. Johnson points out, 
would put all production and distribution in the hands of government. 
The philosophy of the "natural order," he says, which, unlike socialism, 
has for its object to promote competition and place as little power as 
possible in the hands of the government,, would seek the remedy in throw- 
ing the steam highways open to general use. He can see why socialists 
point to railroad centralization under present conditions as the "greatest 
standing indictment of the competitive system." He can even under- 
stand why they insist that, competition having broken down, the only 
alternative of present railroadism, is government ownership and opera- 
tion. But, he says, "We of the 'natural order' recognize that these evils 
flow from a denial of competition and demand simply the abolition of 
governmental favor as the source of the evil. They condemn the natural 
order of competition ; we condemn privilege, a law-made advantage." 

Kailroad taxation affords another glaring example of inequality. 
"Assuming the railroads of the State to be valued at sixty per cent of the 
market value of their securities, it will be found that they pay less than 
four-tenths of one per cent in taxes. This discrimination in favor of rail- 
road property is almost universal in the United States. In the State of 
Michigan, under what is called a specific tax on earnings, it is even 


greater than in New York. The reason for this is that large interests 
make the most persistent effort to shape or dodge the payment of their 
fair share of taxation." 

Mr. Johnson's ideas as to the remedy for these manifest evils are his 
own. In some respects they go beyond the limits of practicable reform 
set by the progressive Democracy. But his conclusions are already in- 
structive, and his strictness upon the evils of special privilege as applied 
to the labor problem will commend themselves to any patriotic American. 

"Governmental favors such as we have seen," he says, "force men 
into an unnatural competition with each other for the opportunity to 
employ themselves; whereas the opening up of nature's store-house to 
laborers would so multiply opportunities that wages would naturally 
rise. For just in proportion as monopoly takes less of the product of 
labor, there will be more to divide as interest to capital and as wages to 
labor. The demands of privilege work against men in two ways. They 
create conditions in which production is lessened, and of this smaller 
production, they take a constantly increasing share. We advocates of 
the natural order see in the evils of trusts conditions that in good times 
force willing men into idleness, in bad times cause the strike, the lockout 
and the army of unemployed, and at all times work to produce the pauper 
and the tramp." 



Regarding the larger question of the government ownership of tele- 
graphs and similar utilities of national importance, it might seem al- 
most needless to urge its desirability upon the American people but that 
this Republic is far behind other nations of its own rank in this important 
reform. Moreover, our people have remained so long in the grasp of a 
skillful and persistent plutocracy that they are even now prey to the 
delusion that the suggestion that they should own and operate their own 
most important properties is only a specious plea of "socialists." 

In Europe the idea of government ownership of the telegraphs and 
even the railways has been made familiar by many years of successful 
experience. England operates its postoffice, not only in respect of the 
carriage of letters, but also of the transmission of parcels and telegrams. 
We permit our own postoffice to carry the mails, but at the beck and call 
of three or four express companies (one of which is represented in the 
Senate by a Republican leader of that body) we delegate the important 
parcels post to these private corporations and tamely submit to their 
exactions. The telegraph business is already a private monopoly extend- 
ing from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from Canada to Mexico. Its 
tariffs are such a.s are needed to pay dividends upon a hundred millions 
of largely watered stock. Yet we have made little or no progress toward 
taking over this enormous business for our own profit and convenience, 
thoug-h it is of quite as confidential a character and just as properly a 
governmental function as the carnage of sealed letters. 

Even in England, where the plutocracy is the paramount power of the 
laud, a suggestion to take the telegraphs out of the postoffice department 
and place them under private control would not be entertained for a 

For that matter, what would be said, even in the United States, if it 
were suggested that the public water works, the postoffice, the public- 
streets and bridges, parks, libraries, schools, armies and navies were 
given into the hands of private corporations? Who would dare suggest 
that we turn over the army to an Elkins-Widener syndicate, or the navy 



to a Gould corporation, or the public courts to the Standard Oil trust, or 
the highways and schools to Mark Hanua? Yet such retrogressive move- 
ment in the direction of private ownership would not be in the least de- 
gree more absurd than are the arguments maUe in favor of arresting the 
movement towards public ownership of other equally obvious public 

Even to this day, we are sometimes told that the government owner- 
ship and control of public utilities would speedily result in increased 
political corruption. A sufficient answer to this is the successful owner- 
ship and operation by the government of its own postoffice, one of the 
most important and, even under the corrupt McKiulcy administration, 
the best conducted branches of the government. If the people can own 
and operate their own postoffice without undue scandal, why not also 
their telegraphs and their parcels express? The answer is so convincing 
on its face that it need scarcely be dwelt upon. 

And those who advance even these feeble arguments forget, or assume 
to forget, for the moment, the unspeakable scandal which has attended 
the construction and operation of the railroads and telegraphs in the 
United States. Which of these great corporations is without offense in 
this regard? Which of them has been built without the attending taint 
of Wall Street jobbery, of watered stock, of bribed Legislators and Con- 
gressmen? Has it not been said, and with perfect truth, that the finan- 
cial conduct of our railroads, attended as it was by so many wrecks of 
private fortunes, so many blasted reputations, became in time a stench in 
the nostrils even of the money world? While there has been some im- 
provement in recent years as the owners of these properties became rich 
enough to afford to be honest, it is still true that European financiers re- 
gard them askance, and on the foreign bourses "American railroads" 
were for many years a synonym for jobber}* and corruption. What branch 
of the public administration has been attended by such scandals as these? 

No intelligent American can be ignorant of the existence at Wash- 
ington and in the respective State capitals of the all-powerful lobby 
which watches every statute directly or indirectly affecting the great 
corporate interests. This evil had its beginning from the very moment 
when public utilities began to be turned over to private ownership. 
From the very start projectors of railroads and telegraphs and transpor- 
tation companies of all kinds have been alert for the "protection" of their 
interests, and with increasing years have become more and more unscru- 


pulous as to the methods employed. How many Senators in Congress 
hold secret briefs from these great corporations? How many are even 
openly and without shame employed by them? How many more are 
wholly free from their corporate influence? One needs but to follow 
the course of any legislation bearing ever so remotely upon these inter- 
ests to find an answer to these questions at once shameful and alarming. 

At the present moment it is not easy to fix the limits to which this 
evil may yet attain. It hasi been seen at the recent conferences and com- 
missions held to investigate that subject, how powerful is the influence of 
the common carrier companies co-operating with that of the great in- 
dustrial combinations, or trusts, to fix the price of the necessities of life 
for one part of the country or another, and to enrich one individual or 
corporation at the expense of his or its competitors. In the case of the 
Standard Oil Company it has even been shown that discriminative rates 
on the railroads have had the effect of destroying competition in large 
sections of the country, if not altogether. 

This comparatively new phase of the evil of private ownership in pub- 
lic utilities is the growth of less than a quarter century. Much of it has de- 
veloped even within the past five years. At this very moment it is going 
forward at a rate truly appalling to the patriotic citizen. The thought- 
ful American may well ask whither it all tends and how soon will come 
the day when the people, having surrendered the control of their richest 
interests to private ownership, will find themselves bereft of all control 
over every essential of life, and be forced to pay for the food they eat and 
the clothes they wear and the coffins they are buried in such prices and 
upon such terms as these private owners may dictate. There is an old 
saying that "if you give power to a man, he will use it." The temptation 
to all human nature is irresistible. What has been said is not so much 
an indictment of the individuals who have profited under this regime of 
private ownership as of the system itself. They have perhaps done only 
what others would have done with similar opportunities and temptations. 
It is the system itself which is wrong, and which must speedily be de- 
stroyed or there will be an end to liberty in the United States of 

The people might well take alarm at the present political attitude of 
these beneficiaries of private ownership. Against every proposed reform 
they are the most ardent and persistent opponents. It is they who speak 
the loudest and spend money most freely for the defeat of any legislation 


tending to relax their grip upon the public property, and naturally. To 
them the restoration to the people of the public monopolies and utilities 
means the loss of opportunity further to exploit the people. 

The other side of the case ought to be equally clear, whatever in this 
regard means loss to the pampered children of privilege means a gain 
to the people gain, not only in money and goods, but more important 
still, in liberty, self-government, and all that which the Democracy holds 

This is one of many reasons why the Democracy at the beginning of 
the new century, in the midst of the present campaign, finds itself ar- 
rayed against the whole plutocratic and monopolistic class ; why it en- 
ters the battle expecting, hoping and glad to meet these combined and 
well organized forces and fight them, if need be, to the death. They bring 
to the struggle unlimited money, perfect organization, the experience of 
years of success at exploitation of the people, and no inconvenient scru- 
ples as to the methods to be employed. Against these the Democracy 
will bring only that many-handed giant whose strength has never failed 
at crises the people. 

The case of the Union Traction Company, of Chicago, will serve well 
to illustrate the manner in which special privileges in natural monopo- 
lies is turned to private account. This concern is composed of Eastern 
and Chicago capitalists, and in the main is the same that has obtained 
control of the surface traction, electric light and gas companies in many 
important cities, and is understood to be reaching out for still more. Its 
originators were Philadelphians of high standing in the Republican 
party. They are generally known as the Elkins-Widener Syndicate. 

The Union Traction Company, of Chicago, was organized in May, 
1899, as a result of negotiations with Mr. Charles T. Yerkes, who was 
then known as the "street car magnate" of Chicago. The Traction Com- 
pany bought Mr. Yerkes' holdings of stock in the North and West Chi- 
cago Railroad Companies for a price said to be $9,600,000. These hold- 
ings amounted to 20,000 shares in the North Side Company and 32,000 
shares in the West Side Company, out of a total of 79,200, and 138,900 
shares respectively. They did not, it will be observed, amount to any- 
thing like a majority. However, contracts were made by agreement 
with other large holders of the stock which enabled the Traction Com- 
pany to effect leases upon the two properties on the very advantageous 
terms which Mr. Yerkes already enjoyed, the terms being in each in- 


stance 999 years. The Traction Company was capitalized at $532,000,000, 
of which $12,000,000 is 5 per cent, cumulative preferred stock and $20,- 
000,000 common. All of this common, it will be seen, was water and 
most of it was put into the pockets of the promoters as their profits. 

Mr. Yerkes, it is understood, took back $1,000,000 of the preferred 
stock as part of the purchase price. Substantially all the remainder of 
the purchase price was realized by the sale of the preferred stock to pri- 
vate subscribers at par, one-half share of common stock being given 
with each share of the preferred as an inducement to buy. Thus it will 
be seen that after paying Mr. Yerkes his purchase money, the syndicate 
realized enough money from the sale of its preferred stock and the ac- 
companying bribe of common stock to leave itself in possession of $14,- 
000,000 of the common stock, which in effect represents their net profits 
upon the transaction and wholly depends for its value upon the growth 
of the city of Chicago and the development of the surfa.ce traffic. Their 
cash investment is thus practically nothing at all. 

But a brief view of Mr. Yerkes' experience will show with what cer- 
tainty these financiers are able to count upon the future development of 
the city as a factor of their own enrichment. Mr. Yerkes, himself, is a 
Philadelphiaii of considerable political experience, who came to Chicago 
some sixteen years ago with a cash capital then amounting, it is said, to 
$00,000. His chief asset, however, was the Elkins-Widener idea of mono- 
poly and special privilege. Combining these two with his Philadelphia 
credit, he was able to purchase the then existing North Chicago Street 
Railroad Company and West Chicago Street Railroad Company. His 
plan of operation was similar to that already described, but on a, smaller 
scale. Thus he took from the owners of the North Chicago Street Rail- 
road Company $250,100 of the $500,000 outstanding capital stock, a bare 
majority. To the original owners he executed guaranties under the form 
of 999 year leases, securing to them returns upon their investment which 
at the time seemed extravagant ( they amounted to more than 30 per cent, 
per annum on their holdings), but which subsequent developments have 
shown to have been exceedingly moderate, indeed. The same plan was 
followed with the West Side Company. 

Mr. Yerkes then proceeded to introduce the cable system upon his 
newly acquired properties. He created a Construction Company of 
which he was himself the chief, and derived from the building of the 
cable system a profit so handsome that he was soon virtually the owner 


of the properties himself, lie then counted with prophetic certainty 
upon the growth of Chicago to make good the large increments of 
common and preferred stock which he had issued ostensibly to cover the 
expense of the improvements. 

Nor is this all. Chicago during these sixteen years has extended its 
boundaries until they are now almost coincident with those of Cook 
County. Throughout the new territory trolley and horse car lines have 
been extended to keep apace with the increase of population or some- 
times even to assist in it. Who has been the master spirit in this trac- 
tion development? No other than Mr. Yerkes. Seeing the future of the 
city and realizing the effectiveness of the methods lie had already prac- 
ticed, he steadily extended his lines until all, or practically all, the new 
territory was made tributary to his intramural system. These new lines 
cost money. But that proposition offered no difficulties to Mr. Yerkes, 
for his city lines were realizing such profits that he was able, by skillful 
book-keeping, to transfer from their balances sufficient sums from time to 
time to meet this new expense. 

In other words, these surburban lines, eight in number, with some 250 
miles of track, were paid for out of the profits of the North and West 
Chicago lines, which in addition, as it were, paid for themselves in the 
meantime. The eight suburban lines were early in the present year 
transferred to the Elkins-Widener syndicate under the name of the Chi- 
cago Consolidated Traction Company, with a capitalization of $15,000,- 
000. All of this was clear profit realized out of special privilege in Chi- 
cago streets . 

It must be apparent to the dullest eye that these egregious profits, 
realized for the benefit of a single individual, might just as easily and 
much more equitably have been made for the benefit of the entire com- 
munity which contributed them. It is not designed here to make any 
attack upon Mr. Yerkes, though his course in Chicago, especially in re- 
lation to the Chicago City Council and the Illinois State Legislature in 
procuring franchises upon which his railroad properties are chiefly based, 
might seem to warrant almost any of the numerous accusations that have 
been made against him. The point is simply this, that the chief asset of 
these great properties is the public franchise enjoyed in the public streets 
by their private owners. The actual amount of private capital invested, 
as has been seen, is comparatively trifling. The enormous sum total of 
profits is simply an aggregate of nickels contributed by the people to 


whom the streets belong. The people, in order to enjoy the free use of 
their own highways, have been made the unwilling instruments for the 
enrichment of private individuals, many of whom do not even reside in 
the city. For, directly Mr. Yerkes had realized upon the sale of his trac- 
tion lines to the Traction Company, he removed his residence from Chi- 
cago to New York. 

This franchise, this use of the highways which private individuals 
have been able to turn to such enormous profit, belongs to the people and 
the system is manifestly wrong which perverts that profit into private 
pockets. Nor is this less true because a quantity of the stocks and bonds 
negotiated in these transactions have found their way into the possession 
of numerous private individuals entirely "innocent" of the original bar- 
gain and sale. That is only an incident to the system. These minor 
interests are often flaunted in the face of the public as "vested rights" 
which are sacred and must not be disturbed by the unholy hand of the 
"reformer." But the inadequacy of such an argument should be ap- 
parent on its face. 

So much for the economic side. Much more might be written upon 
the political phase which these aggregations of capital in the guise of 
"high finance" present to even the most casual view. It is not to be sup- 
posed that Mr. Yerkes, for example, was able to consummate these opera- 
tions involving public rights of so important a character without intimate 
relations with the civic and State authorities. Indeed, as has already 
been intimated, his course in this respect has constituted a scandal which 
the public press has given to all the world. Not to dwell upon his own 
private responsibility in this matter (for he may or may not have done 
more than another man with similar opportunities and similar temptations 
would have done) it need scarcely be pointed out that here is a grave 
political danger affecting the rights of all the people. If the people 
own the streets and their cities and they do they cannot be deprived of 
this property save through the corrupt connivance of their representa- 
tives and the captains of the "new finance." As between these two the 
temptation may be said to be mutual. At any rate, experience has 
shown that wherever a valuable public right has thus been left to the dis- 
posal of the people's representatives, the people have not profited, though 
their representatives have, by this combination of circumstances. 

Not to dwell further upon the financial loss thus sustained by the 
people, there is a deterioration of morals, a lowering of the political tone 


which reaches through all the ramifications of government. If an 
alderman is able to make a fortune out of the sale of public franchises 
belonging to his constituents, it is apparent that he will spend, not only 
effort, but money to secure his office, and in this expenditure, not only 
himself, but the whole voting body is contaminated, and, in a word, the 
system of representative government is overthrown. 

It is well enough to trace this evil to its source. We commonly hear 
less about the bribers than about the officials bribed. But if there were 
no rich capitalists to buy public franchises, to secure monopoly in the 
use of public streets, certainly there would be no public officials to sell 
their votes and betray the rights of the people. And if the people's rep- 
resentatives had nothing to sell and were made to serve their constitu- 
ents merely for honor or for the small salaries appertaining to their 
offices, corrupt men would not aspire to those offices, and there would be 
a chance of the people being represented in their legislative body by 
citizens of high character. As it is, so intimately is the idea of bribery 
associated with municipal office, especially in the large cities, that men 
of high character are often unwilling to accept those places. 

It is not so in those cities where the public enjoys the use of their own 
property in the public streets. Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds and 
(llasgow in Great Britain are a few of the cities thai might be mentioned 
where these public utilities have been reserved to the people. In those 
cities the municipal governing bodies are composed of the leading citizens 
and the class of legislation is so far ahead of our own as to make any 
loyal American blush at the comparison. There are cities in the United 
States where the gas and electric light plants are owned by the people 
and are turned to the public account with handsome profit to the treas- 

The time has gone by for capital to dismiss these schemes of munici- 
pal ownership of public utilities with contempt. The people are no 
longer to be scared by a name. We are told that public ownership would 
mean political corruption, but what political corruption would occur 
more odious than that which has developed under the existing system? 
That is a question which the Democracy propounds as coming from the 
heart of the people whose rights have been outraged under the existing 
system and who have ceased long since to heed the contemptuous or 
angry warnings of men in high places against {he danger of taking the 
responsibility of their own affairs upon i heir \\ n shoulders. 


It is the fashion in certain quarters to classify all the proponents of 
municipal ownership as cranks and theorists. Against such assertions it 
is only necessary to name a few of those who have written or spoken for 
this great principle. As long ago as 1814 Henry Clay repeatedly agitat- 
ed the national ownership of the telegraph. He foresaw and eloquently 
warned the people against the dangers of a telegraph monopoly in pri- 
vate hands. Ever since his day Congress has repeatedly been approached 
with appeals and petitions for the absorption of the telegraphs by the 
postoffice department. Charles Sumner, Hannibal Hamlin, Senators 
Edmunds, Dawes, Chandler, and N. P. Hill, Generals Grant, and Butler, 
Postmasters-General Johnson, Randall, Maynard, Howe, Creswell, and 
Wananiaker ; Prof. Morse, himself, the inventor of the telegraph ; Cyrus 
W. Field, founder of the Atlantic cable and a director in the Western 
Union Company; James Gordon Bennett, the Rev. Lyman Abbott, Prof. 
Ely, B. O. Fowler, Henry Demerest Lloyd, Terrence V. Powderly, Samuel 
Gompers, Marion Butler these are only a few of a veritable host of men 
eminent in every high walk of life who have championed the rights of the 
people in this regard. James Russell Lowell, the late Bishop Phillips 
Brooks, and Francis A. Walker have expressed their sympathy with the 
movement. Numerous legislatures, city councils, boards of trade, cham- 
bers of commerce and labor organizations, representing millions of pri- 
vate citizens of less renown, but no less honesty, have added their voices 
to the appeal. Such newspapers as the New York Herald, Boston Globe, 
Philadelphia Times, Albany Express, Omaha Bee, Denver Republican, 
and San Francisco Post, representing every phase of political opinion, 
have agitated the measure. Two political parties have definitely de- 
manded the government telegraph, and more than two millions of men by 
vote and petition have asked for it. Of the nineteen committees of the 
House and Senate Avhich have reported on the question, seventeen have 
been in favor of and two against it. Here are some expressions of opinion 
from these and other eminent men upon the question of national tele- 
graphs and the kindred question of municipal ownership of street rail- 
ways : 

Dr. Lyman Abbott says : "I am heartily in favor of municipal owner- 
ship of street railways; the experience of Manchester and Glasgow 
abroad has shown what may be done. But we have an illustration nearer 
home, in some respects more convincing. The Brooklyn bridge has fur- 
nished better conveniences for the traveler than those furnished by the 


elevated system of railways or by the trolley cars on either side of the 
river, besides reducing fares, which no money-making corporation could 
be expected to do." 

Dr. Felix Adler: "I am strongly in favor of municipal ownership 
and my reasons are two. First, the advantage to the general public in 
the shape of cheaper fare and better service; second, the advantage to be 
expected to accrue to the employes and indirectly to the wage-earning 
class in general by a tendency to advance wages and improve the condi- 
tion of labor." 

Prof. Richard T. Ely: "Municipal ownership of the street railways 
will be the greatest contribution to municipal reform yet effected in the 
United States." 

Wm. Dean Howells: "I am heartily in favor of municipal ownership 
of street railways because it will cheapen the fares to those who most need 
cheap fare and will best serve nil tin- interests of the public." 

This list might easily be prolonged indefinitely, but one expression is 
so like the other that it would seem like mere iteration. Indeed it is not 
too much to say that the men who have ;;ivni thought to this important 
question are numerous and belong to the most intelligent and patriotic 
portion of our citizenship, and that in all eases where they have investi- 
gated and spoken without prejudice their opinions are unanimously in 
favor of municipal ownership. Of course all that is true of municipal 
ownership of street railways applies with equal force to the municipal 
ownership of gas and electric lighting works, of water works, and indeed 
to any of the natural monopolies, including the express companies and 
telegraphs, which under private ownership have been turned to the enrich- 
ment of the individual at the expense of the public. 


William Jennings Bryan is of a Virginia family, of Irish extraction. 
His father, Cyrus Lilard Bn^an, was born in 1822 near Sperryville, in a 
portion of Culpeper County which is now Eapahannock County. Here 
his ancestors had lived for more than one hundred years. He removed 
early in life to Salem, Illinois, where his distinguished son was born. 
The Jennings family to which Mr. Bryan's mother belonged lived for 
many years in Kentucky, but moved to Illinois early in this century. 

Mr. Bryan is forty years old. He was born March 19, 1860, on his 
father's farm, a tract of 500 acres, near Salem. Here he spent the first 
ten years of his life. At ten he entered the public school of Salem, 
where he remained in attendance for five years, doing his work faith- 
fully, but without distinguishing himself especially for scholarship. His 
special interest was in literary work and the debating society, where he 
shone seemingly without effort 

During this period of his life Mr. Bryan entertained for a time a boy- 
ish ambition to be a preacher, but this he soon gave over, and in its 
place formed a determination to become a lawyer "like father." This 
purpose, which was never abandoned, shaped all his subsequent educa- 

In 1872 Mr. Bryan's father made the campaign for representative in 
Congress from his district on the Democratic ticket. This was the oc- 
casion of the young man's first political awakening. From that time 
he cherished the thought of entering public life as soon as he should 
have won reputation and a competency at the bar. As it befell an un- 
expected opportunity came to him twelve years later, in 1890, when at 
the age of thirty he made his first campaign for Congress. 

Mr. Bryan joined the Cumberland Presbyterian Church at the age of 
fourteen. Later he affiliated with the First Presbyterian Church of 
Jacksonville, Illinois, and upon his removal to Nebraska with the First 
Presbyterian Church of Lincoln, to which he and his family now belong. 
His religious views belong of course to his private life, but the following 
extract from a eulogy which he delivered in Congress upon the memory 
of a deceased colleague may appropriately be set down here both as re- 



vealing his views on immortality and as an example of his mature Eng- 
lish style: 

"I shall not believe that even now his light is extinguished. If the 
Father deigns to touch with divine power the cold and pulseless heart 
of the buried acorn and make it burst forth from its prison walls, will 
lie leave neglected in the earth the soul of man which was made in the 
image of His Creator? If he stoops to give to the rosebush, whose 
withered blossoms float upon the breeze the sweet assurance of another 
springtime, will He withhold the words of hope from the sons of men 
when the frosts of winter come? If Matter, mute and inanimate, 
though changed by the forces of Nature to a multitude of forms, can 
never die, will the imperial Spirit of man suffer annihilation after it 
has paid a brief visit, like a royal guest, to this tenement of clay? 

"Rather let us believe that He, who in His apparent prodigality 
wastes not the rain-drop, the blade of grass or the evening's sighing 
zephyr, but makes them all to carry out His eternal plans, ha-s given 
immortality to the mortal and gathered to Himself the generous spirit 
of our friend." 

The eight years from fifteen to twenty-three were an important pe- 
riod in the young man's life. They were spent in school and college- 
first at Whipple Academy, the preparatory department of Illinois Col- 
lege, Jacksonville, and then in the college itself. His vacations he 
spent at home on the farm in the healthy pursuits of a vigorous youth, 
but for these eight years he led the life of a student. Six of them were 
spent in Jacksonville in the home of Dr. Hiram K. Jones, a relative. 
The influence of this life had its influence upon the growing boy. Dr. 
Jones is a man of strong character, scholarly tastes and high ideals. 
During the existence of the Concord School he was a lecturer there 
upon Platonic Philosophy. His wife, also, was a woman of rare at- 
tainments and as the pair had no children, they gave to young Bryan a, 
home in the full extent of the word. 

Bryan's parents wished him to take a classical course. lie grum- 
bled somewhat at his Latin and Greek, though he has since recognize* I 
the wisdom of his parents' choice. Latin was his favorite, but he had 
a strong preference for mathematics, especially for geometry, and he 
still believes that the mental discipline acquired in the study of this 
science has been useful to him in argument. He was also an earnest 
student of the "dismal science" political economy. An incident which